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  • Cambridge University Press  (741)
  • 1990-1994
  • 1985-1989
  • 1960-1964  (741)
  • 1950-1954
  • 1962  (741)
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Years
  • 1990-1994
  • 1985-1989
  • 1960-1964  (741)
  • 1950-1954
Year
  • 1
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 1-3 
    ISSN: 0007-0874
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
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  • 2
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 1-1 
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  • 3
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 99-116 
    ISSN: 0007-0874
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: History , Natural Sciences in General
    Notes: SynopsisThe years between 1660 and 1800 were important ones in the study of light. For most of the period the work, especially in this country, was largely dominated by the theories advanced by Newton; unfortunately the protagonists of these theories were much more rigid in their approach than was Newton himself. There was, in effect, almost a century of ‘rear-guard actions’ to maintain the corpuscular theory at all costs.Fortunately, the advance of geometrical optics and the design of optical instruments was not retarded to a very great degree by this partisan approach. The workers in these fields were not, as a rule, too involved in speculation, and worked largely empirically.Some of the modifications to the original corpuscular theory are interesting. Attempts were made to explain, with varying degrees of success, total internal reflection, dispersion, interference effects, diffraction and phosphorescence. Considerable speculation about the velocity of light occurred in connection with these topics. At the same time, wave theories never completely died out and, although they were not developed until the early part of the nineteenth century, their influence was felt even in this country.
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  • 4
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 117-135 
    ISSN: 0007-0874
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    Topics: History , Natural Sciences in General
    Notes: SynopsisGeorge Greenough (1778–1856) was one of the influential group of early nineteenth-century English geologists who rejected both Hutton's and Werner's attempts to propound all-embracing geological theories, and followed a deliberately empirical approach. He travelled through Scotland in 1805, studying geological phenomena in the light of both the Plutonist and the Neptunist theories, and generally concluded that neither was entirely satisfactory as an explanation of the observable facts. He was also the first to suggest that the ‘Parallel Roads’ of Glen Roy were the successive beach-levels of a former lake: this theory was later attacked by Darwin but ultimately vindicated by Agassiz's glacial theory. The more important geological passages from Greenough's MS. journal of the tour are reproduced and discussed in this paper. They illustrate some of the scientific problems that were involved in accepting either Hutton's or Werner's theory entire.
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  • 5
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 137-158 
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    Notes: SynopsisThe University of Leyden was founded in 1575 as the reward of the city's endurance of the Spanish siege in 1574. Its influence on botany in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is part of its far-reaching influence during this period on medicine, to which botany was then ancillary. In this it was the successor of Montpellier and Padua. The first university founded after the Reformation to practise and maintain religious tolerance towards its students, Leyden became the great international university of Europe, drawing students from Scandinavia, Germany, Switzerland and France, from all parts of the British Isles and the British American colonies (roughly 4,000 English-speaking students between 1600 and 1750) and even from Barbados, Jamaica and Constantinople. It offered facilities for higher education then denied, for example, to dissenters in England or else not available, as in Scandinavia. Owing to this religious tolerance in an age of intolerance and also to the personal eminence of a succession of professors, its influence spread widely. Directly and indirectly, Leyden made its greatest contribution to botany and medicine through the work and personality of Herman Boerhaave (1668–1738) and led to the founding or restoration of botanic gardens at Edinburgh, Göttingen, Uppsala and Vienna. Beginning with Clusius, its influence upon botany may be traced through Hermann and Boerhaave to Haller, Linnaeus, Lettsom and others. No other university has a more sustained and continuous record of service to botany and medicine during these two centuries than Leyden. This paper also touches upon the history of other universities.
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  • 6
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 183-183 
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  • 7
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 171-182 
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    Topics: History , Natural Sciences in General
    Notes: Taking Isaac Newton at his own word, historians have long agreed that the decade of the 1660s, when Newton was a young man in his twenties, was the critical period in his scientific career. In the years 1665 and 1666, he has told us, he hit on the ideas of cosmic gravitation, the composition of white light, and the fluxional calculus. The elaboration of these basic ideas constituted his scientific achievement. Nevertheless, the decade of the 1660s has remained a virtual blank in our knowledge of Newton. It need not remain so always. His papers contain a wealth of manuscripts from his undergraduate years and the period immediately following. The first volume of his mathematical papers, which will soon be published, will demonstrate how extensive the information on his early mathematical development is. The development of his non-mathematical studies, especially of what I shall call his scientific studies to distinguish them from the mathematical, can be followed as well—in his reading notes, in his notebooks, above all in the passage in his philosophical notebook labelled Quaestiones quaedam Philosophicae. In this passage we see emerging into consciousness for the first time the questions on which Newton's philosophy of nature was built.
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  • 8
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 186-186 
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  • 9
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 184-185 
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  • 10
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 159-169 
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    Topics: History , Natural Sciences in General
    Notes: The following essay is adapted from one with the same title read to the British Society for the History of Science on 20 October 1958—the anniversary, by a striking coincidence, of the birth of W. H. Young (1863–1942). To his memory I dedicated the talk, and now rededicate its publication, not only because I am his daughter and of all that means, but because he invented a method, the method of monotone sequences, which shows the powerfulness of inequalities as a mathematical tool supremely.
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  • 11
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 187-188 
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  • 12
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 193-195 
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  • 13
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 189-191 
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  • 14
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 188-189 
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  • 15
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 195-196 
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  • 16
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 192-192 
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  • 17
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 1-2 
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  • 18
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 2-2 
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  • 19
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 3-3 
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  • 20
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 5-17 
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    Topics: History , Natural Sciences in General
    Notes: Three questions of major historical interest may be asked concerning the neglect and the rediscovery of Mendel's work.1. Why was it so little noticed between its publication in 1866 and its rediscovery in 1900?2. What factors determined its rediscovery?3. What factors favoured the rapid growth of Mendelian genetics?It is with the second and third of these questions that this paper is concerned.
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  • 21
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 19-30 
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    Topics: History , Natural Sciences in General
    Notes: SynopsisSimon Bredon was one of a remarkable group of scientists who brought fame to Oxford by their achievements in the sphere of natural science, particularly in astronomy. Though his interests lay chiefly in the field of medicine, as indicated by the large collection of books on this subject which he bequeathed to his friends, he was also a mathematician and astronomer.The manuscripts of his works, still preserved at Oxford, Cambridge and the British Museum, which include an arithmetic, a commentary on the Almagest, a theory of the planets and astronomical calculations, have never been properly examined and some kind of preliminary investigation seems necessary before his true position among the Merton school of scientists can be assessed.
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  • 22
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 31-48 
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    Topics: History , Natural Sciences in General
    Notes: SynopsisSome of the early superstitious beliefs concerning communication by means of magnets are mentioned.Some of the suggested ‘static telegraphs’ are described, together with the reasons for their failure. An account is given of the rise of the use of the electric current in the telegraph by continental workers early in the nineteenth century, and the manner in which this method became known in England. The work of Cooke and Wheatstone is briefly outlined, and the assistance given to the English workers by Joseph Henry.The development of the American telegraph in the hands of Morse is reviewed, and the similarity of the difficulties experienced by Morse and by Cooke. The origin of the relay is examined.The commercial success of the telegraph was largely due to the several needs it fulfilled, and the uses of the telegraph are enumerated.Submarine telegraphs and especially the Atlantic telegraph are described together with the mechanical and electrical difficulties associated with long distance telegraphy through cables. In this connection the work of William Thomson is very briefly reviewed.The growth of the telephone out of the telegraph at the hands of Bell in America is described, and is shown to be achieved as a result of the synthesis of Bell's knowledge of physiology and of electricity. The paper concludes with a statement of the commercial success of Bell's telephone.
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  • 23
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 49-63 
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    Topics: History , Natural Sciences in General
    Notes: SynopsisThe paper is an attempt to set the social and historical background against which the Royal Institution was founded, and to trace the events in its very early history. The founder of the Institution was Benjamin Thompson, Count Rumford, that soldier of fortune who took service with the Elector Palatine of Bavaria, and it was in the course of his duties in Munich that his interest in the practical problems of philanthropy was aroused.In London, in the concluding years of the eighteenth century, he was drawn into the group of philanthropists and reformers among whom William Wilberforce was the leading figure, and Sir Thomas Bernard, Treasurer of the Foundling Hospital, one of the most active members. The focus of their activities was the Society for Bettering the Condition and Increasing the Comforts of the Poor, and to this Society Rumford submitted his proposals for a new scientific institution in London, designed to improve the lot of the poor and the working classes by the application of science to useful purposes.It was decided to make an appeal for funds, Rumford's proposals were circulated, and the Count succeeded in interesting the President of the Royal Society, Sir Joseph Banks, who took the Chair at the early meetings and allowed them to be held at his house, 32 Soho Square. At a meeting held there on 7 March 1799, the new institution was formed by resolution of the subscribers of 50 guineas each, who became the first Proprietors of the Royal Institution of Great Britain, as it was afterwards named in its Royal Charter.
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  • 24
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 79-87 
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  • 25
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 88-88 
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  • 26
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 91-95 
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  • 27
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 65-77 
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    Notes: Synopsis‘Recent studies of Babylonian sources have shown that we must revise former estimates of the extent to which the Greeks were indebted for the details of their astronomy to the Babylonians; the debt proves to have been much greater than had been imagined, and further researches may prove it to have been greater still.’ So wrote Sir Thomas Heath in 1932; in the previous year, Professor Filon had written, ‘It is gradually beginning to be realized that many of the achievements of Greek culture in the fields of astronomy and mathematics did not spring, fully armed, from the Hellenic brain, but had their more remote origins in the civilizations of the ancient East.’There is available now sufficient evidence to show that a great deal of the astronomical knowledge which has come down to us from the Hellenistic period (c. 500 b.c. to a.d. 150) was not initially discovered during that period; and such new empiric discoveries as were made in that time were not all due to Greeks, for important contributions were still being made by Babylonians during the Seleucid Era.To a large extent it seems that the Greeks kept very closely, even in astronomy, to the mode of research advocated by Plato, who said in The Republic, ‘Which things (i.e. “the variegated bodies in the heavens”) truly are to be comprehended by reason and intellect, but not by sight’. The Greeks founded a ‘school’ of theoretical astronomy and, with their highly developed mathematics, were able to go far with it; but their source-material was in very many cases not Greek.The author of Epinomis states, ‘We may assume that whatever the Greeks take from the barbarians, they bring it to a finer perfection’. Adrastus (second century a.d.) wrote that the methods used by the Chaldeans and Egyptians in astronomy were imperfect because these people lacked physiologia; no doubt this was true, but it was people of these races who had done, and continued to do, most of the equivalent of modern observatory routine work.
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  • 28
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 89-89 
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  • 29
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 1-6 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 30
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 53-55 
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  • 31
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 1-18 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: In Chinese Communist fashions, Confucius seems to be “in” this year. Earlier, certainly in the nineteen-twenties, revolutionaries were quite ready to see him out, and even now, in the first decade or so of the People's Republic, there are plenty of people with little patience for the sage of the old intelligence. Indeed, “despise the old” and “preserve the national heritage” have been chasing each other down the mneteen-fifties and incipient sixties, and contemporary historians, hi this area, should perhaps not dwell too seriously on trends pro and anti, so foreshortened, if discernible at all, in the foreground of our age. What seems historically significant is the range, not the petty successions, of recent Communist options in evaluating Confucius. For all the possibilities are equally modern, all plausible and consistent within a new Chinese view —an essentially anti-Confucian view informing even the pro-Confucius minds.
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  • 32
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 92-101 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The sudden death of Dr. Hu Shih in Taiwan on February 24, 1962, inflicted on many of the people of that island a sense of irreparable loss. This was not because the present situation in Nationalist China is likely to be much affected by Dr. Hu's passing, for in spite of his great reputation as a scholar, his considerable personal popularity and the prestige of his position as President of the Academia Sinica, he remained a peripheral figure there. He was, however, the last surviving representative of the great generation of revolutionary intellectuals who, nearly half a century ago, undertook the enormous task of creating a cultural “renaissance” in China, and with his death a final link with that optimistic era was forever severed.
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  • 33
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 154-169 
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    Notes: In the present context we need not trace in detail the changes Lenin made in Marx's socio-historical views on the eve of and after the revolutions of 1917. Having previously described Lenin's doctrinal engineering of institutional history in general and of Russian history in particular, I shall here indicate only the change in the image of China that Lenin initiated after 1917 and that after his death Stalin and the Chinese Communists completed.
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  • 34
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 170-182 
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    Notes: When the Chinese Communists spelled out their policy of regional autonomy for ethnic minorities, it appeared to many observers that a significant break with the past had been made. Throughout China's modern history, central governments sought to amalgamate the various ethnic minorities with the dominant Han group. Now, hi 1949, it seemed as if, for the first time, a central Chinese government was determined to end this process of sinification and to give its non-Chinese subjects a degree of autonomy. This self-rule, as outlined hi official documents of the Peking regime, included the administrative, economic, educational and cultural spheres of life.
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 191-202 
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    Notes: In the months prior to the recent fighting with India, China initiated a new policy in Tibet and towards the Himalayan border countries in order to recover the ground lost—in the case of Tibet—by its previous policies, and—in the case of the neighbouring Himalayan territories—by its suppression of the Tibetan revolt. China's recent successful attacks in the border areas will probably lend added strength to her diplomacy in the border states whatever the immediate reactions of some local statesmen.
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 231-234 
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  • 37
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 211-230 
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    Notes: When the Geneva agreements of July 1954 at Jast brought a measure of peace back to Indo-China, the Viet-Minh régime found itself in legal and recognised possession of that section of the country which lay north of the seventeenth parallel and which is officially known today as the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. By then, part of this area, comprising the Viet-Minh's war-zones I, II, III and most of IV, thirty-three provinces in all, had already long been held by Ho Chi Minh's troops and in much of it a semblance of the new order's system of local government had been in regular operation for some years back. In a good deal of the rest, clandestine and fragmented centres of rebel control had perilously co-existed throughout the war with the old administration maintained at great cost by the French authorities. Finally, in many places, particularly the urban concentrations, no appreciable degree of Viet-Minh influence had managed to last out the conflict.
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 244-248 
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  • 39
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 248-251 
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  • 40
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 1-8 
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  • 41
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    The @China quarterly 11 (1962), S. 21-37 
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    Notes: The present condition of Communist China raises a political question of great theoretical and practical importance. The question is whether there are limits to the hardships which any government can safely inflict upon the governed.
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  • 42
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    The @China quarterly 11 (1962), S. 184-199 
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    Notes: Chinese diplomatic interest in Indonesia has been developing for three-quarters of a century. The past dozen years since the completion of the military phases of the revolutions in the two countries have heard both harmonious pledges of amity and, not altogether paradoxically, the grating sound of national purposes crossing. In most exchanges, the Peking Communists and the Djakarta nationalists have bubbled with friendship; on one occasion, however, this duologue became sensationally antagonistic. In South-East Asia, as in other regions, China has not yet worked out a diplomatic means for the full reconciliation of continuing national interests with the demands of revolutionary strategy. The survey to follow forms a fever chart recording a steady rise in Sino-Indonesian warmth, a plunge to racking chills, and, for the moment, convalescence.
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    The @China quarterly 11 (1962), S. 200-213 
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    Notes: Nearly all Chinese, and many foreign students of China, will have it that China has never been, and is now unlikely to become, an expansionist power. A recent article in The Times said that China, being land-based rather than maritime, “never developed any sense of international relations”; instead of a Foreign Office, the old China had until 1842 an office for the management of barbarians, “whose respect for Chinese supremacy was demanded or exacted.” In other words, China's non-aggressiveness contains an element of semantic jugglery. How could China “expand,” and how could there be international relations when the Emperor was already regarded as ruler of the world? It is worth recalling that when the Ming fleets visited places as distant as Aden to “make known the Imperial commands,” this concept was in fact extended to peoples overseas; on their return, the envoys announced: “The countries beyond the horizon and from the ends of the earth have all become subjects ... the barbarians from beyond the seas ... have come to audience bearing precious objects and presents.”
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    The @China quarterly 11 (1962), S. 225-235 
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    The @China quarterly 11 (1962), S. 161-168 
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    Notes: August 1, 1927, is one of the big days in the history of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). It marked the opening of a military phase which was to last more than twenty years and was to leave a deep mark on the Party and the present régime both in their outlook and their structure. Symbolically, it is the birthday of the People's Liberation Army (PLA), the Chinese Red Army, and it is as such that it is celebrated every year. It would perhaps be worthwhile after thirty-five years to make an accurate assessment of this event and first to place it in the political context of the time.
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    The @China quarterly 11 (1962), S. 124-139 
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    Notes: Among all dramatic and operatic forms in China, Peking Opera is perhaps the most popular one, and has been enjoyed by the people for more than a hundred years. The name “Peking,” however, does not really suggest the origin of this opera. Its Chinese name is p'i-huang, or erh-huang, which does indicate the origin of the opera. The word “p'i” in Chinese means “tunes,” and the character “huang” refers to one or two districts located in Hupeh province (the other name “erh-huang” means “two Huangs”) where this kind of music first originated, although the district of Huang-kang is generally believed to be the birthplace of this opera. Apparently this new kind of music soon spread to other districts of Hupeh, as well as to the adjacent provinces including Anhwei. The popularity of this new opera form encouraged and justified professional organisations, and troupes brought the opera to Peking, then the capital city of the Manchu (Ch'ing) dynasty. However, credit went to the Four Great Anhwei Troupes for their role in establishing this opera in the capital during the waning years of the Ch'ing period. The patronage of official circles, especially the royal clans in the Manchu court, helped tremendously in gaining fame and position for this new opera form. The Empress Dowager, Tz'u-hsi, so enjoyed this opera form that she ordered private theatres built in the palaces for her own enjoyment. (One of such theatres is still standing in the Summer Palace today.) As a result, the new operatic form was given a new name, ching-hsi (“Capital Opera”). And since Peking was the capital then, it was nicknamed the “Peking Opera” which subsequently has become the recognised name for it.
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    The @China quarterly 11 (1962), S. 214-218 
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    The @China quarterly 11 (1962), S. 219-224 
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    The @China quarterly 11 (1962), S. 235-239 
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    The @China quarterly 11 (1962), S. 239-242 
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    The @China quarterly 11 (1962), S. 245-248 
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    The @China quarterly 11 (1962), S. 261-262 
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    The @China quarterly 10 (1962), S. 1-4 
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    The @China quarterly 10 (1962), S. 51-55 
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    Notes: For more than a decade Western policy towards revolutionary China has been dominated by the attitude which the United States adopted in early 1950, before the Korean war broke out. This attitude arose out of conditions prevailing in the United States rather than in the Far East. Almost at once American policy lost any flexibility it might otherwise have had, when the Chinese intervened in the Korean war, an event which might have been avoided altogether if the American posture towards China had been different.
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    The @China quarterly 10 (1962), S. 23-44 
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    Notes: The international advance of Communism in our time is in no small measure due to the apparent flexibility with which Marxist and Leninist concepts have been applied—often with startling selectivity—to the problems of the newly emergent and underdeveloped countries of the world. While generally and carefully observing all strictures against “revisionism” and “subjectivism,” Communist leaders in these new nations dip with ease into the reservoir of the thought of Marx and Lenin and its practitioners for a justification of their particular tactics, pointing out that Communist thought itself invites flexibility and adaptability. Stalin could quote with approval Lenin's dictum that “We do not regard Marxist theory as something complete and inviolable; on the contrary, we are convinced that it has only laid the cornerstone of the science which Socialists must further advance in all directions if they wish to keep pace with life.”
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    The @China quarterly 10 (1962), S. 64-71 
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    Notes: The policies of containment and of liberation were based on the premise that there is a united Soviet bloc. The purpose of containment was to prevent Soviet expansion; the purpose of liberation to roll back Communist frontiers. These policies have ceased to be relevant for the sixties. Today, the unity of the Communist camp is being strained by the increasingly open Sino-Soviet dispute.
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    The @China quarterly 10 (1962), S. 78-83 
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    Notes: The divergence of policy between Britain and the United States over the recognition of Communist China is now twelve years old. In the spring of 1950 nobody could have anticipated that it would go so deep or last so long. When the British Government transferred de jure recognition as the Government of China from the Kuomintang régime still holding out in Formosa to the new Communist authority which by victory in the civil war had gained control of the whole Chinese mainland, it was not considered in London to be an act contrary to American policy because it was understood that the American Government would do the same after a short interval of time. The policy of the Truman Administration, after the failure of the ill-conceived Marshall Mission, had been one of disengagement from the Chinese civil war; it was in accordance with this line that the War Department obstructed the delivery to the National Government of the arms voted by Congress in the China Aid Bill of 1948. When the Kuomintang régime collapsed on the mainland, the American Government made it clear that it would take no action to preserve its remnant in Formosa; the Secretary of State declared that America's “defence perimeter” lay in Japan, Okinawa and the Philippines, excluding Formosa and South Korea. No objection was raised in Washington to the British Government's intention to give de jure recognition at an early date, but it was hinted that because of the domestic political situation the United States would have to wait until the mid-term Congressional elections of 1950 were safely over.
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    The @China quarterly 10 (1962), S. 98-122 
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    Notes: There are a variety of agencies engaged in elementary education in Communist China. Besides the regular elementary schools for children, there are adult schools of elementary grade and spare-time elementary schools for youth as well as older people; there are winter schools in the rural areas, worker-peasant schools, and various kinds of literacy classes. In view of limited space, this article will deal only with the regular elementary schools. Kindergartens and nursery schools are not included in the discussion.
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    The @China quarterly 10 (1962), S. 144-148 
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    Notes: A unique view of the Sino-Soviet dispute may be had from Belgrade. Yugoslavia is at once on the side-lines of the affair, but in another sense is vitally concerned. Since the League of Yugoslav Communists “codified” Titoism in 1958 in its new, revised programme, the Chinese Communists have become the main critics of their Yugoslav comrades and thereby—obliquely—of Soviet policies as well. It was an interesting development of this that when Moscow mobilised its satellites and Communist Parties against the Chinese “dogmatists,” the time came for Belgrade to reply to Chinese attacks, siding in the main with the Kremlin. In this Yugoslav counter-attack against their Chinese critics, a book by Edvard Kardelj, Yugoslav Vice-President, Socialism and War, A Survey of Chinese Criticism of the Policy of Co-existence, has played a key role. It is a document of considerable importance, and through it we are able to see much more clearly the basic differences in the Communist camp. The revelations of the Sino-Soviet dispute in the documents, now in the hands of Western governments, correspond closely to Kardelj's assertions.
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    The @China quarterly 10 (1962), S. 166-173 
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    Notes: In the general history of the social sciences we assume that the marriage between sociology and anthropology comes late, having been preceded by a long courtship. China does not fit this pattern. Almost as soon as the social sciences were established there anthropology and sociology were intertwined—to be disentangled in a strange way when the Communists arrived. To avoid a tedious recitation of evidence let me call just one witness, a scholar whose later career in the United States makes his testimony underline the Chinese paradox. Writing in China in 1944 Francis L. K. Hsu says: “In this paper. the word sociology is used synonymously with the term social anthropology. Few serious Chinese scholars today maintain the distinction between the once separate disciplines. Sociologists teach anthropology in our universities as a matter of course, just as scholars with distinctively anthropological background lecture on sociology.”
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 1-6 
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 1-4 
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 1-1 
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 37-46 
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    Notes: As in many other Communist states (and quite a few non-Communist ones) there is in the DRV (Democratic Republic of [North] Vietnam) a sharp difference between the theoretical and the actual structure of governmental powers.Article 4 of the DRV Constitution of January 1, 1960, adequately covers the subject of the theoretical source of power in North Vietnam: “All powers of the DRV belong to the people, who exercise them through the intermediary of the National Assembly and of People's Councils at every echelon, elected by it and responsible to it....”
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 2-23 
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    Notes: For many years, many thousands of Vietnamese patriots have sacrificed themselves for a double objective—the unity and independence of Vietnam—and it was in pursuit of these aims immediately after the Second World War that, first the Viet-Minh, then the anti-Communist nationalists, brought into operation all the means at their disposal, both military and diplomatic. The Geneva Agreements of July 1954 confirmed the independence of Vietnam at international level. Yet, at the same time the country's unity, which for several years had no longer constituted a problem, was destroyed.
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 24-36 
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    Notes: Sovietologists and Sinologists have found it extremely difficult to assess the position which the Democratic Republic of (North) Vietnam (DRV) occupies within the Communist bloc. Some have concluded that it is simply a satellite of Peking, basing their judgment upon its geographical position and the fact that the Vietnamese leaders closely followed the policies of the Chinese Communists, at least during the early years of the state's existence. Others have stated that the DRV is more closely bound to the Soviet Union than to China, and they quote extracts from the speeches of Vietnamese leaders to confirm this opinion. Still others maintain that the DRV enjoys a substantial measure of independence of both Russia and China and may, like Tito's Yugoslavia, break with the Communist bloc at some future date. They point out that the Vietnamese, like the Yugoslavs, won their own independence without the backing of the Russian or Chinese army. All of these conclusions are too facile and prove, if they prove anything at all, that their authors have not taken into account all the factors which have a bearing upon the events in the DRV. As in all Communist states, the formulation of policy is the responsibility of a few leaders, but these men, whatever their personal political inclinations, are restricted in their choice of policy by the circumstances in which they find themselves.
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 47-69 
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    Notes: Of all intellectuals, the most highly respected and appreciated by Vietnamese society are the doctors. Indeed, it is hardly surprising that they should enjoy the esteem of a society the great majority of whose members are uneducated, impoverished, and beset by chronic disease and sickness. However, the reasons are twofold; medical degrees are academically superior to all others, and medicine, of all the professions, is the most useful on the purely practical plane. The doctors themselves are accorded the honorific title of “Thay,” and the medical profession is popularly referred to by the descriptive phrase “savers of people and helpers of life.” This is why, on the thirtieth anniversary of the Indo-Chinese Communist Party and the fifteenth anniversary of the Government of the Democratic Republic of (North) Vietnam, the “Doctor of Doctors,” Ho Dac Di, who is Chairman of the North Vietnamese Medical Association as well as Director of the University and Specialist Colleges, was invited to make a speech. Here is what Dr. Ho Dac Di said on that occasion:The future of the intellectuals is a glorious one, because their activities bind them closely to the proletarian masses who are the masters of the world, the masters of their own country, the masters of their history, and masters of themselves.... On this, the thirtieth anniversary of the foundation of the Party, all those classes who work with their brains, and the scientists in particular, sincerely own their debt of gratitude to the Party and proclaim their complete confidence in the enlightened leadership of the Party, as well as in the glorious future of the fatherland. They give their firm promise that they, together with the other classes of the people, will protect the great achievements of the revolution.
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 70-81 
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    Notes: The cultural level of North Vietnam is undoubtedly one of the lowest imaginable. Eighty per cent, of the population is illiterate, ignorant to an incredible degree and subject to the most extraordinary superstitions. Apart from the masses there remains the élite—and the hopes that one should be able to place in the youth. But here, also, we find the same deep division that was created in the population as a whole by the war—on the one hand the members of the Resistance and on the other those who remained outside it.
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 82-93 
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    Notes: It would amount to a serious error of judgment to treat North Vietnam's economic development as a mere pocket edition of the Chinese or Soviet experiment. It is, of course, true that many features of economic policy adopted by the bearded ruler of Hanoi show clear signs of their Pekingese or Muscovite parentage. As far back as 1954 Ton Duc Thanh, chairman of the Vietnamese Popular Front, Lien Viet, had pointed to the current Soviet scene as his country's target for the future.
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 94-104 
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    Notes: Until 1949, Communist rule was still restricted to states where wheat forms the basis of agricultural production. But when Mao Tse-tung extended his control to territories south of the Yangtse river, thereby enabling Ho Chi Minn to establish later a twin régime hi North Vietnam, the problem of collectivisation first appeared in tropical areas where rice is the main agricultural crop. From then on, an unforeseen problem of major importance has confronted the two Asian Communist leaders. Unlike their other colleagues in the Socialist camp, these two have had to adapt the rigorous norms of the collective system to the production of rice, an extremely delicate aquatic plant. Their relentless efforts to accomplish this are unprecedented and, now that the practical experiment has been in progress for several years, it is possible to make a preliminary appraisal of the results.
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 105-111 
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    Notes: A belief widely current in the Western world is that Vietnamese in general dislike the Chinese, towards whom they experience a feeling of inferiority springing from the domination of Vietnam for over a thousand years by her powerful northern neighbour.
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 112-123 
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    Notes: How good are Communist China's statistics? An attempt to answer this basic but vexing question has led me to investigate the working of its state statistical service. Since there was hardly any statistical system to speak of before 1949, did Peking manage to set one up that was actually workable? When did this happen and how did it develop? Where were official statistics produced and finalised? Were they used for planning purposes at different government levels? How were basic data obtained from the primary reporting units in different sectors of the economy? What mechanism was introduced to provide a degree of control over the quality of data? What were the size and quality of the statistical working force? What did occur in 1958 and 1959 when current official statistics had to be scaled down drastically from earlier officially authenticated claims? Are the revised figures satisfactory? Why have so few statistical materials been released since 1959? The search into these and many more questions has resulted in a volume on The Statistical System of Communist China, recently (1962) published by the University of California Press.
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 124-148 
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    Notes: Any treatment of such a basic topic as the role of law in China, old or new, becomes meaningful only if it is related to a discussion of the philosophy of law in our own tradition. In order to make an evaluation that brings the Chinese situation into relief, one has to compare, contrast, or relate the role of law at the different stages of China's development with its role in the Western tradition. Since the basic philosophical assumptions, on which all definition and discussion of law are based, are themselves controversial in our own tradition, this is a very hazardous undertaking; but it is crucial to any understanding of China, past and present.
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 149-181 
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    Notes: In the area under the rule of the Canton Government, the young Kuomintang members were full of revolutionary spirit and in favour of social change. In addition to this, the graduates of the Peasant Movement Training Institute, who were disciplined in the revolutionary atmosphere of the Institute, went out to the rural areas to organise the peasants. It is easy, then, to understand why the peasant unions developed rapidly in this area. Of course, even under the Canton Government, there were some countermovements among landlords, traditional local officials and their supporters.
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 182-192 
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    Notes: Until the Chinese “volunteers” crossed the Yalu in November 1950, the Chinese involvement in North Korean politics seems to have been minimal. And yet, when the North Korean régime's very life and the Chinese border were threatened by the massive assault of the United Nations forces, the Chinese quickly came to the aid of the North Koreans. What is Chinese policy toward Korea? What are the prospects for Sino-Korean relations? Such questions will concern us for a long time. This article details part of the historical background to them.
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 193-199 
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 204-208 
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 200-204 
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 208-210 
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 210-212 
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 213-220 
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    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 221-222 
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 55-56 
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 57-74 
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    Notes: The question of who will succeed Mao Tse-tung is a fascinating and important question. The related question of the composite group of leaders which will emerge in about a decade is, if less fascinating, of at least equal importance, particularly given the increasing complexities of an industrialising society on the China mainland.Are we actually nearing a period when the present hierarchy will begin to fade away? Seemingly we are, as a quick flashback to 1949 will illustrate. When the Chinese Communists came to power thirteen years ago, they were rightfully considered a young group of leaders. Their triumphant general in the field, Lin Piao, was just over forty, Chou En-lai just over fifty, and Mao himself in his mid-fifties. Among his international peers, Mao was fifteen years younger than Stalin, eleven younger than Attlee, and almost ten younger than Truman. To emphasise their youth hi another way, only two men among the forty-four elected as full Central Committee (CQ members hi 1945 died a natural death from that time until 1960.
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 102-137 
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    Notes: Hu Feng was a Marxist literary critic who for almost thirty years allied himself closely with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and left-wing groups. In 1955 the Chinese Communists launched an intensive nationwide campaign against him in which he was branded as everything from an exponent of bourgeois idealism to an agent of imperialism and of Chiang Kai-shek.
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 75-91 
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    Notes: The activities and functions of youth organisations are important factors in the life of most, if not all, political movements of the twentieth century. This is true of totalitarian, as well as of more liberally conceived political movements; however, special attention and emphasis has been given to youth organisations in Fascist and Communist societies, where the young people have been forced, pressured, or cajoled into such organisations from an early age and subjected to powerful influences designed to make them faithful and reliable tools or willing helpers of the ruling group or party. Nazi Germany's Hitler Jugend, Fascist Italy's Ballilla, and Soviet Russia's Komsomol are the best known examples of the totalitarian variety of youth organisation. In non-totalitarian societies the young are also given the opportunity to join such groups as the Young Conservatives in the U.K., Young Republicans and Democrats in the U.S., Junior Chambers of Commerce, YMCA, YWCA, Boy Scouts and the like. The difference between youth organisations in the two types of societies, from the Western viewpoint, is that our youth organisations are primarily created for the sake of the young people, who join them voluntarily for the sense of participation and outlet for their energies and talents which such organisations can provide, whereas the totalitarian youth organisations are created for purposes pursued by the ruling political group in those societies, to mould the thinking of youngsters along the desired lines, and to establish an apparatus for control both of the young members and of their relatives and friends. From the Communist viewpoint however, Western youth organisations are politically unsophisticated picnic and camping clubs, which insufficiently prepare young people for the responsibilities facing them in later years and fail to provide them with the ideals for a “correct” political outlook.
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 138-153 
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    Notes: In a previous article I outlined briefly the development of the situation on the campus of Peking University (Pei-Ta) before, during and after the momentous events of the spring of 1957, the period of the “rectification campaign.”The sequence of events in the past four years permits us to view the rectification campaign as a dividing date in the history of Communist China. The rectification campaign was the culminating point of a period that had seen the post-revolutionary reorganisation of the country, the assertion by the Communist Party of total control over the political, economic and ideological life of the nation and, following a campaign of liquidation of counter-revolutionary elements in the summer of 1955, a sudden “thaw.”
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 183-190 
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    Notes: Since the change of political régime on the Chinese mainland in 1949, new values and attitudes have been consciously introduced by the Communist Party. The family institution has undergone a rather drastic alteration not only in form but also in composition, structure, roles of its members and especially in values and patterns of mate selection and marital adjustment. According to traditional Chinese social values, one should marry a person of relatively similar social background consistent with the concept of homogamy discussed by Burgess and his associates. The traditional Chinese sentiment often referred to the marriage of two individuals whose family front doors faced each other as a good match, implying that they had matched family backgrounds in residence, social class, occupations, education, economic status and other values held important in pre-Communist China. The strong emphasis laid by the Communist Party on indoctrinating every citizen in the political ideology of socialism and communism in true totalitarian form covers every phase of his life, including that of marriage. In the course of Communist rule, slightly more than a decade, this political emphasis has often come in direct conflict with the traditional value of social homogamy in mate selection and marriage.
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 203-206 
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    Notes: Early in the eighteenth century the European traveller Desideri who made a journey through Tibet and visited Lhasa wrote of the Cong-bo region of south-eastern Tibet that “all the Congo-bo provinces lying to the south of the river [the Tsangpo] march with the people called Lhoba which means Southern People... Not even the Tibetans, who are close neighbours and have many dealings with them, are allowed to enter their country but are obliged to stop on the frontier to barter their goods.”
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 207-210 
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    Notes: Anyone who has been scanning the news sections of the world press over the past few months must have come across headlines proclaiming Peking's “revived birth control bid” and the “renewal of the birth control campaign in Communist China.” The implication, as suggested by most of the articles, is that since China has suffered a series of grave agricultural reverses she is finally coming to her senses and again instituting controls over fertility. Has there recently been a change in the régime's attitude with respect to the population problem, and are the present measures likely to produce significant results in the rate of growth of China's population?Let us briefly review some of China's population policies over the past ten years. The initial jubilation over the results of the 1953 census, showing a population of almost 600 million on the Chinese mainland, was gradually modified to concern over the economic and social implications of both the size and the rate of growth of this population. The official propaganda, however, never admitted the economic problems inherent in a rapidly growing population, and the birth control campaign which started slowly in late 1954 and 1955 stressed the health and educational advantages of having a small family. After the campaign reached its peak in the middle of 1957 and the early part of 1958, it began to lose its impetus; and by the autumn of that year it became obvious that Communist China had reversed its recently introduced policy of birth control, at the same time introducing the communes and the “great leap forward.” The new policy proclaimed a severe labour shortage and attacked all proponents of controlled fertility as Malthusians and rightists. The labour shortage, proclaimed in 1958 as an excuse for the reversal of the birth control policy, became a reality in 1959, when the overzealous cadres created an artificial labour crisis by conscripting millions of men into a variety of mass projects.
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 234-239 
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 252-258 
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 259-260 
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    The @China quarterly 11 (1962), S. 1-6 
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    The @China quarterly 11 (1962), S. 1-4 
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    The @China quarterly 11 (1962), S. 1-20 
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    Notes: Marx's interpretation of China enriched his concept of a completely Asiatic society. While dealing with England's relation to the Far East, he became aware that in imperial China, unlike in other oriental countries, land was privately held. His analysis of this seeming exception to the rule is unsatisfactory, but it is indicative of his socio-historical position. He continued to view China as a major case of “Asiatic production” even after he learned that there communal landed property had long been abolished.
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