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  • Cambridge University Press  (3,736)
  • American Geophysical Union  (3,277)
  • 1960-1964  (7,013)
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  • 1
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    Electronic Resource
    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 37-46 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: As in many other Communist states (and quite a few non-Communist ones) there is in the DRV (Democratic Republic of [North] Vietnam) a sharp difference between the theoretical and the actual structure of governmental powers.Article 4 of the DRV Constitution of January 1, 1960, adequately covers the subject of the theoretical source of power in North Vietnam: “All powers of the DRV belong to the people, who exercise them through the intermediary of the National Assembly and of People's Councils at every echelon, elected by it and responsible to it....”
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  • 2
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 47-69 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Of all intellectuals, the most highly respected and appreciated by Vietnamese society are the doctors. Indeed, it is hardly surprising that they should enjoy the esteem of a society the great majority of whose members are uneducated, impoverished, and beset by chronic disease and sickness. However, the reasons are twofold; medical degrees are academically superior to all others, and medicine, of all the professions, is the most useful on the purely practical plane. The doctors themselves are accorded the honorific title of “Thay,” and the medical profession is popularly referred to by the descriptive phrase “savers of people and helpers of life.” This is why, on the thirtieth anniversary of the Indo-Chinese Communist Party and the fifteenth anniversary of the Government of the Democratic Republic of (North) Vietnam, the “Doctor of Doctors,” Ho Dac Di, who is Chairman of the North Vietnamese Medical Association as well as Director of the University and Specialist Colleges, was invited to make a speech. Here is what Dr. Ho Dac Di said on that occasion:The future of the intellectuals is a glorious one, because their activities bind them closely to the proletarian masses who are the masters of the world, the masters of their own country, the masters of their history, and masters of themselves.... On this, the thirtieth anniversary of the foundation of the Party, all those classes who work with their brains, and the scientists in particular, sincerely own their debt of gratitude to the Party and proclaim their complete confidence in the enlightened leadership of the Party, as well as in the glorious future of the fatherland. They give their firm promise that they, together with the other classes of the people, will protect the great achievements of the revolution.
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  • 3
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 112-123 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: How good are Communist China's statistics? An attempt to answer this basic but vexing question has led me to investigate the working of its state statistical service. Since there was hardly any statistical system to speak of before 1949, did Peking manage to set one up that was actually workable? When did this happen and how did it develop? Where were official statistics produced and finalised? Were they used for planning purposes at different government levels? How were basic data obtained from the primary reporting units in different sectors of the economy? What mechanism was introduced to provide a degree of control over the quality of data? What were the size and quality of the statistical working force? What did occur in 1958 and 1959 when current official statistics had to be scaled down drastically from earlier officially authenticated claims? Are the revised figures satisfactory? Why have so few statistical materials been released since 1959? The search into these and many more questions has resulted in a volume on The Statistical System of Communist China, recently (1962) published by the University of California Press.
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  • 4
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 9 (1962), S. 182-192 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Until the Chinese “volunteers” crossed the Yalu in November 1950, the Chinese involvement in North Korean politics seems to have been minimal. And yet, when the North Korean régime's very life and the Chinese border were threatened by the massive assault of the United Nations forces, the Chinese quickly came to the aid of the North Koreans. What is Chinese policy toward Korea? What are the prospects for Sino-Korean relations? Such questions will concern us for a long time. This article details part of the historical background to them.
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  • 5
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 8 (1961), S. 20-33 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: After three years of agricultural calamities, both natural and man-made, China has begun the importation on a substantial scale of foodstuffs— a dramatic departure from previous policy. The chief beneficiaries abroad are the grain producers of Canada and Australia.Actual quantities involved may be regarded as small from the standpoint of total Chinese food consumption, but remarkably significant when considered in terms of the actual addition to domestic supplies of wheat and barley, the probable consumption of grain in the seaboard cities, the amount of foreign exchange required, the concomitant decline in other imports (including machinery and raw materials), and the enormous demands usually made upon transportation facilities by agricultural shipments from the interior to the coast. These food purchases are also significant from the standpoint of both Canada and Australia.
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  • 6
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 8 (1961), S. 45-62 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Appended to this article are two excerpts from Lao She's writings. The first comprises most of a chapter from his first novel; the second is a brief sequence from one of his latest plays. Each is concerned to establish a character, a man who has found his niche in society. Each of these men is quite peripheral to the piece in which he appears, each is a humble creature anxious only to do right by his fellows. On Chao Number Four are lavished all the colourful touches which leap from the brush of a young writer glorying in invention; Wang Jen-te is sketched with the master's economy of line. But the greater contrast appears in the resolution of the two men's respective fates: Chao, pressed down by his own ingenuousness and the cupidity of others into the trough of the “old society” as a beast of burden; Wang Jen-te, proud recipient of a new dignity as chef de cuisine to a People's Commune!
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  • 7
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 8 (1961), S. 135-148 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: An energetic new intellectual élite is being moulded in Communist China's rapidly growing network of higher educational institutions. Some time from now members of this “new class” are expected to replace the distrusted old-style intellectual. Each year an increasing number of young men and women enter colleges and universities and, emerging four or five years later, take up responsible positions of leadership in the country's economic and intellectual life. Many phases in the training of the present-day Chinese student are still little known to us. Who are, after all, these new students in China's new universities? On what basis are they selected? Who does the selection and how? And, last but not least: why is selection necessary? In the following pages we shall attempt to find answers to some of these questions.
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  • 8
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 8 (1961), S. 106-134 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: When the Chinese Communist régime undertook the re-examination of its educational system in the latter half of 1957 and early 1958, one of the main conclusions reached by the authorities was that the government, through its regular political subdivisions, could not afford the tremendous expenditures that would be involved in achieving its long-range educational goals. These goals included the provision of the opportunity for junior middle school (7th through 9th grade) education to all young people by 1967. The régime decided that the only realistic course to follow in pursuing its goals was to assign the major part of the task of establishing and running schools in the vast rural areas to the basic socio-economic units in those areas, mainly, in other words, to the agricultural cooperatives. Accordingly, the late winter and early spring of 1958 were marked by the announcement of the rapid establishment of great numbers of min-pan hsüek-hsiao, or “schools run by the people.”
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  • 9
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 8 (1961), S. 196-201 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 10
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 8 (1961), S. 209-214 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 11
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 8 (1961), S. 42-44 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The reasons for the visit to Russia, Eastern Europe, and China last summer of a DRV (Democratic Republic of [North] Vietnam) mission led by Prime Minister Pham Van Dong and Chairman of the National Planning Board Le Thanh Nghi gave rise to some speculation in the West. The inclusion of Le Thanh Nghi suggested that it was connected with economic aid to the DRV, more particularly with aid for the carrying out of the extremely ambitious five-year plan, which was first announced during the third Congress of the Lao Dong (Communist) Party in September, 1960.
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  • 12
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 8 (1961), S. 92-105 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Sinkiang, that vast, rugged land in Inner Asia, rich in undeveloped resources and peopled by farmers and nomads of many races and creeds with deeply-rooted differences in ways of life and long years of conflict over political aspirations, is today in the throes of a revolution of unprecedented magnitude and intensity aimed at the achievement of sweeping cultural, social and economic changes. This prodigious effort at transformation is the keynote of Chinese Communist rule of Sinkiang. Its groundwork was laid in the first years after the Chinese Communists took control in 1949.
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  • 13
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 8 (1961), S. 63-76 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: There is little reason for thinking that the anti-rightist campaign of 1957–58, which closed the Hundred Flowers interlude, was undertaken in order to overcome an organised opposition in the central leadership of the Chinese Communist Party rather than to deal with a political situation that was clearly getting out of hand. The victims were either bourgeois intellectuals and members of the so-called “democratic parties” or communist officials of the second rank, for the most part provincial administrators. Their fate presumably strengthened the hand of the doctrinaires in the Party and weakened the will of the moderates to oppose the extravagances of the subsequent “great leap forward”; and there are doubtless many in China as well as the West who believe that Mao's personal involvement in the fiasco of liberalisation may have constituted the first stage in a process which would lead eighteen months later to his withdrawal from the chairmanship of the republic. The political repercussions were, however, long-term; the immediate effect of the change of line may have been to cement rather than undermine the solidarity of the leaders.
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  • 14
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 8 (1961), S. 149-160 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The first Chinese Five-Year Plan ended in 1957, and the second began the following year. The launching of the “great leap forward” in industrial and agricultural production and the transformation of the rural collectives into “People's Communes” in 1958 accelerated the pace of work of both workers and peasants.
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  • 15
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 8 (1961), S. 221-223 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 16
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 8 (1961), S. 227-233 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 17
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 8 (1961), S. 225-226 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 18
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 7 (1961), S. 1-2 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 19
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 7 (1961), S. 1-16 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: As we all know only too well, the American student of Chinese Communist affairs must rely heavily on the recorded public utterances of representatives of the régime. The interpretation of such data is of course subject to a number of uncertainties. The ways in which public political statements can be used to deceive, to mislead, or to bargain are not always obvious. Even when a statement embodies a real calculation or the speaker's genuine perception of the world, the motive for making it may lie in the passing demands of small-scale tactics, or it may be of extreme subjective import to the speaker. One of the more favourable situations for analysis of this kind of material is found when linked propositions concerning a unitary topic are reiterated over a fairly long tune period, so that they occur in varying environmental contexts, with qualitative or quantitative variations in content, and with fluctuations of frequency or emphasis. The problem under examination here— the way the Chinese Communists have represented the significance for others of their experience in achieving power by revolutionary means— fits these last specifications.
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  • 20
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 7 (1961), S. 85-100 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: India has been perhaps the most favoured of non-Communist countries in its cultural relations with China. Yet the curve of Sino-Indian relations has been as affected by political considerations as the relations of China to any other country. The scant eleven years of the Communist regime have been marked by sharp ups and downs. In the first period, 1949–50, relations were cool and tentative, in spite of the presence as Ambassador of Sardar K. M. Panikkar, the distinguished historian, who was very friendly to the new régime, and in spite of India's sponsorship of Communist China for membership in the United Nations. This was the period, it will be remembered, when China was taking a very aggressive attitude towards the border problems between the two countries, and when China still considered India's independence not a “true” one and the replacement of the “bourgeois nationalist leadership” as the order of the day.
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  • 21
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 7 (1961), S. 138-147 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The sixth congress of the Communist Party of India (CPI) met at Vijayawada, Andhra, from April 7 to April 16. Since it was the first such congress to be held since the beginning of the frontier disputes between India and China, it was clearly of some importance. The disputes have created bitter divisions within the party, and the ideological rift between the Soviet Union and China has intensified these divisons. For nearly two years the CPI has been unable to function effectively and the rift within it is openly acknowledged by members.
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  • 22
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 7 (1961), S. 121-127 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Recently reports have filled the columns of the world Press suggesting that malnutrition or even starvation is widespread in the most populous country in the world. This is clearly a matter of far-reaching implications and no longer a subject for discussion only among scientists. The evidence available is scanty and far from conclusive. Reports remain conflicting, but they seem to indicate that malnutrition is not a general feature of the Chinese scene. Whereas Western observers have tended to conclude from sparse reports emanating from China that malnutrition may be widespread, the Chinese authorities have denied these reports and have rejected all offers of relief by voluntary organisations as based on misconceptions.
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  • 23
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 7 (1961), S. 154-157 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 24
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 8 (1961), S. 1-2 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 25
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 8 (1961), S. 202-207 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 26
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 8 (1961), S. 217-221 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 27
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    The @China quarterly 8 (1961), S. 224-225 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 28
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    The @China quarterly 7 (1961), S. 35-43 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The prospects are growing that the United States will be dealing directly with ranking Chinese Communist leaders on a continuing basis. Such an encounter has occurred at the Geneva conference on Laos. Almost every article concerning disarmament and arms control mentions Peking, implying, of course, future face-to-face United States–Chinese Communist meetings. And, if Communist China were to enter the United Nations in 1961 or perhaps 1962 there would, of course, be vastly increased contacts.
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  • 29
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    The @China quarterly 7 (1961), S. 69-84 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Although based on fragmentary data, analysis of employment in the six years 1953 to 1958 is of great interest for what it reveals of the relationships between urban working age, population growth, increasing non-agricultural employment, and Chinese Communist economic policies. The sharp reversal in 1958 of past trends in the growth of the urban population and non-agricultural employment has no parallel in the history of China or probably any other country. In a single year the earlier phenomenon of urban population steadily growing at an average rate far higher than that of nonagricultural or urban employment disappeared. In 1958 both nonagricultural and urban employment grew so much that a migration from countryside to town of unprecedented magnitude occurred in order to meet the increased demands for urban labour. Most curious of all, the connection between growth of the urban population and growth of non-agricultural employment, implicit in programmes of expansion of the non-agricultural branches of the economy undertaken by the Chinese Communists, appears to have been largely outside the scope of Marxist-Leninist concepts and of Communist economic planning.
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  • 30
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    The @China quarterly 7 (1961), S. 101-111 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Founded in 1898 and made illustrious by the scholars who taught there in its early years—Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei, Ch'en Tu-hsiu, Hu Shih, Lu Hsun— and as a result of the leading role of its students in the numerous patriotic and revolutionary movements that have shaken modern China, Peking University nevertheless by the time of its 50th anniversary had little to show for its past other than a glorious name. This name is something to conjure with in China today since Peking University was the cradle of the May 4 Movement and the place where Mao Tse-tung worked in his youth as a librarian and learned Marxism from professor Li Ta-chao.
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  • 31
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    The @China quarterly 7 (1961), S. 128-137 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: It would be only a mild exaggeration to say that China has been dominating the international conference on Laos. Certainly the weight of the Chinese presence has made itself felt in ways that were not true of the Far Eastern conference held in the same city—Geneva—in 1954. In various respects, indeed, the Chinese seem to have been determined from the start to make an impact on other participants commensurate with their own estimation of China's international stature. To this end, they sent the largest of all the sixteen delegations to Geneva and—though willing on occasion to display a proper co-existential courtesy towards carefully selected other delegations—they have consistently stuck to a line that is, in most respects, markedly more intransigent than the Soviet Union's.
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  • 32
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  • 33
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    The @China quarterly 7 (1961), S. 176-176 
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  • 34
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    The @China quarterly 6 (1961), S. 195-195 
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  • 35
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    The @China quarterly 5 (1961), S. 116-130 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Throughout Asia agriculture is still the largest single economic sector and the village is the principal form of human society. Outside Japan on the Pacific and Israel on the Mediterranean shores of the Asian continent the villages provide the homestead and determine the way of life of three-quarters to four-fifths of the population, and as a rule two-thirds to three-quarters of the working people are engaged in agricultural pursuits. Villagers not occupied in this way usually earn their living by processing, financing and trading the products of their communities. The town dwellers, rapidly increasing in absolute numbers and as a proportion of the total population, are rarely far removed geographically and in their mental make-up from their ancestors. As much as two-thirds of their personal expenditure is spent on foodstuffs and thus a substantial portion of urban incomes flows back to the countryside.
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  • 36
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    The @China quarterly 4 (1960), S. 17-27 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: In terms of his impact on the young intelligentsia of China, particularly in the 1930s, and of the emotional symbolism as patriot and reformer with which his name is charged, Lu Hsün (1881–1936) was the most powerful figure in modern Chinese letters. For the last seven years of his life he was openly identified with Communist-led left-wing cultural movements in China. Today he is honoured by the Chinese Communist Party as the great cultural hero of the Chinese Revolution. His homes have become museums, jiis tomb a shrine. He is presented as a Communist in everything but name.
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  • 37
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    The @China quarterly 4 (1960), S. 40-54 
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    Notes: The fact that Liu Shao-ch'i, Chairman of the Chinese People's Republic, since last October has accepted a series of invitations to visit the Eastern European satellites “at an appropriate time” is one indication of Peking's growing interest in developing her relations with these countries. The now fairly close relationships between China and the Eastern European satellites are a rather new dimension in Communist China's foreign policy posture and represent a radical break with China's traditional non-involvement in European affairs. Geographical remoteness, the inability to communicate, lack of interest, and preoccupation with the problems of her more immediate surroundings effectively isolated China from involvement in European affairs until very recent times. It is true that traders intermittently journeyed between China and European trade centres, carrying on a limited exchange of goods, but these exchanges had only a very marginal significance. Western imperialist encroachment upon China in recent centuries, particularly the nineteenth, finally brought to China an awareness of the principal powers of Western Europe, such as Portugal, Spain, England, the Netherlands, Imperial Germany, France, Italy, and Austria-Hungary. Much against her will China was eventually forced into unequal “treaty relations” with these European powers, as well as with Japan, Russia, and the United States of America. However China's political, commercial, and cultural relations with the nations now known as the “East European satellites” were virtually non-existent until 1949. The reasons for this lag lie in obvious historical, political, and developmental factors. When the Chinese door was kicked open in the fifth decade of the nineteenth century the East European nations either were not at the time independent or simply did not exist (East Germany, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia) as national entities as yet. Even had they existed, it is doubtful whether they would have been in a position to participate in the scramble for trade advantage, concessions, and souls characteristic of the “treaty powers.”
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    The @China quarterly 4 (1960), S. 127-140 
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    The @China quarterly 6 (1961), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 6 (1961), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 6 (1961), S. 1-14 
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    Notes: This article offers a preliminary estimate of what has happened to Buddhists and Buddhist organisations in mainland China during the eleven years since the Chinese People's Republic was founded. Much of the data belongs to the year 1958 when the most rapid changes occurred. Early in 1959, the China mainland press, from which nearly all the data comes, began to give less news on Buddhism. In November 1959 the most important single source, Modern Buddhism, was withdrawn from general circulation abroad. Several sentences in the October number, suggest that Peking had become increasingly sensitive to stories of a persecution of Buddhism, and had resolved that the mainland press, at least, would not supply any more evidence of it. The picture is fairly complete, however, with the evidence already in hand.
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    The @China quarterly 6 (1961), S. 15-28 
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    Notes: Victimised by its strategic location throughout history, North Korea appears once again to be the scene of competition for dominant influence between its powerful neighbours. As the recent statement by Chairman Kim Il-sung quoted above suggests, the Communist régime in North Korea was apprehensive about the mounting crisis in Sino-Soviet relations in the summer and autumn of 1960. What it did not reveal is that the issues involved in the Sino-Soviet dispute had already exercised a profound effect on the domestic and foreign policies of this Asian satellite for a period of several years.
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    The @China quarterly 6 (1961), S. 29-52 
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    Notes: If one were to imagine what occupation one might like to follow in a Communist state, it is unlikely that one would choose that of Westerntrained political scientist. The intellectual apparatus associated with social science alone makes such an occupation untenable in the face of Communist ideology. Social science, as practised in the democracies, may be said to be non-existent in the Communist world. However, this does not eliminate the practical problem that faces the newly established Communist régime of what to do with those social scientists, and certain other types of intellectuals, who are already present. The problem becomes doubly complicated if the professors, journalists, and authors welcomed the advent of the new government and regarded themselves as “progressives”—as many of them did in China. One of the most striking ironies of ssu-hsiang kai-tsao (thought reform) in 1951–52 and of the rectification movement of 1957 was that the accused had, to varying degrees, all supported the régime when it came to power and had tried sincerely to work within its frame of reference.
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    The @China quarterly 6 (1961), S. 53-63 
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    Notes: After the turbulence of the anti-rightist movement of 1957 which silenced those who held different views from the Communist Party line, Ma Yin-ch'u, then Dean of Peking University, refusing to yield to pressure, continued to express his “unorthodox” views and accepted a challenge to defend them against some two hundred critics. He stated in November 1959, “Although I am nearly eighty years old and outnumbered, I shall accept this challenge [to defend my position] and fight single-handed till I die. I shall not yield to those critics who resort to force rather than reason.” Professor Ma's integrity and courage in defending his beliefs command our respect and would justify the following biographical account even if he were not one of China's leading intellectuals.
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    The @China quarterly 6 (1961), S. 64-75 
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    Notes: Communist China is entering yet another year of calamities of major proportions. They stem chiefly from its unbalanced fanning industry and affect every sector of its economy.Chinese and Western analysts have come full circle in their assessment within the last three years. In China the exuberance of the Great Leap Forward has given way to the gloom of austerity programmes and emergency regulations. Abroad, the voices praising the miracles of 1958 have been displaced by those reporting disaster and starvation. Those advising caution and moderation in the face of obvious Chinese exaggerations tend to be dismissed now as they were then.
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    The @China quarterly 6 (1961), S. 76-80 
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    Notes: Throughout China's history widespread famine has been a frequent occurrence. While natural calamities have been primarily responsible for its appearance, there is no doubt that consistent lack of communications has always been a serious obstacle to the relief of famine areas. During, for example, the great drought famine of 1877–78, which affected Shensi, Shansi, Honan and Hopei, efforts to get food into the Shansi plateau foundered because of the difficulty in sending supplies up the only direct track from the eastern ports, where food was arriving in abundance. As a consequence of these conditions up to thirteen million people may have lost their uves. Since then there have been a number of other severe droughts and floods, but with the introduction of railways and gradual improvement of the existing system of communications, distribution of relief has undoubtedly become more effective and loss of life less widespread. This brief survey will accordingly examine China's present transportation system and its ability to alleviate the hardship caused by last year's natural calamities.
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    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 167-170 
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    The @China quarterly 2 (1960), S. 35-42 
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    Notes: The following remarks (which I hope will be my last on Prof. Wittfogel's “The Legend of ‘Maoism’”) will hardly bear the appearance of a coherent essay. They are simply a collection of fragmentary replies to his own fragmentary points of attack. For some years now Prof. Wittfogel has been obsessed with the view that Fairbank, Schwartz and Brandt (an indivisible entity) have committed an “error” (not an accidental error!) which has led to incalculably evil results in our struggle with world Communism.
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    The @China quarterly 2 (1960), S. 59-68 
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    Notes: The very size of China has imposed on all who would rule it the twin problems of unification and control. Indeed the very first Chinese Emperor, as opposed to Kings among Kings, Ch'in Shih-huang (d. 210 b.c.) achieved the hegemony and his right to this title by being the first to solve these problems. Their continuing intractability in China, despite the mould of history and the unifying cement of the Chinese script, is reflected in Sun Yat-sen's description of the Chinese people more than 2,000 years later as “loose sand.” Ch'in Shih-huang had the stern admonitions of the Legalists as his aid to unification and Sun Yat-sen revolutionary fervour as his. There is no doubt that both or, for that matter, any other would-be ruler in between these two ends of the time scale in China, would have seized on radio as an additional aid, had its potentialities been available to them. Given this basic Chinese problem of unification and control, the failure of the Kuomintang to exploit radio on any effective scale is therefore surprising. China's latest rulers, faced not only with this old problem but also with a new ideology to spread and a new orthodoxy to engender, have naturally sought to exploit it to the full.
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    The @China quarterly 2 (1960), S. 100-100 
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 1-3 
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 47-65 
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    Notes: There has been an impression among students of China that foreign trade data published by Peking are generally more reliable and accurate than its other statistics. This confidence is based on the following grounds. First, since the early years of the régime most foreign trade has been handled by a small number of state companies under the Foreign Trade Ministry. These companies are large in size and well organised, hence they must have respectable accounting and statistical systems. The exports and imports by private firms existing in the early 1950s were recorded by the customs office. Therefore, foreign trade turnovers for the period as a whole are relatively complete and free from serious errors. Secondly, since foreign trade always involves other countries as trading partners, which usually publish their trade statistics in great detail, it is unwise, if not impossible, for the Chinese authorities to falsify their own foreign trade statistics.
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 99-119 
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    Notes: Until late in 1961, the leaders of the Indonesian Communist Party gave no public indication of the conflict within the international Communist movement. That they were aware of the worsening dispute is evident: for example, from 1958 to 1961, inclusive, they sent an average of five delegations to the Sino-Soviet bloc each year. But they chose to concentrate their energy on strengthening and guiding their own Party. This they had built into the largest Communist Party outside the bloc, with a membership at the end of 1961 of almost two millions, and with a network of mass organisations claiming over ten million members. After the Twenty-second Soviet Party Congress, however, the existence of conflict was public knowledge. D. N. Aidit, the Chairman of the Indonesian Communist Party, who had led his Party's delegation to the congress, felt compelled to explain the Party's position.
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 120-127 
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    Notes: What mild men revolutionaries are! That is the impression I jotted down after a talk late in March 1964 with Jacques Vergès, managing editor of the review Révolution. This periodical, No. 9 of which was published in May, is the best-produced and most effective publication of the pro-Chinese movement in France. Thanks to its English edition and forthcoming Spanish edition, the review's field of action stretches from France to Africa and even to the American continent. Révolution, with its articles contributed from all parts of the world, is looking more and more like a liaison journal for the groups and movements of the Maoist International now coming into existence.
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 202-203 
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 195-200 
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    Notes: On January 27 a communiqué was issued in Paris and Peking which read, somewhat baldly:The Government of the People's Republic of China and the Government of the French Republic have decided in mutual agreement to establish diplomatic relations.For this purpose, the two Governments have agreed to appoint their ambassadors within three months.
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 214-214 
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 225-228 
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 65-91 
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    Notes: Until a short time ago, it appeared that much of what was going on in China could be characterised by the cynical aphorism plus ça change plus c'est la même chose. Many things became manifest in the country that were reminiscent of themes centuries old. China had gone through two radical phases, one during the First Five-Year Plan period when the Chinese Communists tried to repeat the Soviet experience of industrialisation, and the second during the Great Leap Forward when they used their own mobilisational means to try to achieve economic break-through. The ninth Plenum in January 1961 called a dramatic halt to the extreme policies of the Great Leap Forward, and launched a period that bears strong similarities to the N.E.P. (New Economic Policy) period of the early 1920s in the Soviet Union. Many traditional patterns that were effaced during the years of radicalism began to reappear. There was talk of the need “to study very well traditional economic relationships.” It seemed that for a while the leadership had decided that only a truly voluntary response from below, and not coercion of any sort, could rescue China from the morass in which it found itself. But as of the time of the writing of this article, there are ominous signs that China may be approaching another “1928.” The Party drums are rolling once again, and the themes are not those of the N.E.P., but more like those which preceded the great Soviet collectivisation drive of 1928. During the last few years, the leadership made no attempt to hide the facts of China's poverty and isolation. But now a new note of defiance, of toughness has crept out. Where it will lead is hard to say.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 125-133 
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    Notes: The importance of examining the location of China's steel development is not confined solely to the steel industry. It reflects to a large extent, the Communist policy on industrial location in general. The new steel centres have been planned to form the nuclei of industrial complexes. To counteract the pre-Communist concentration of industry in the coastal areas, the Communist régime has emphasised from the beginning that a wide dispersion of industry is desirable from the standpoint of economic development and national defence. In planning new capital construction, therefore, regional development constitutes a key-note while sources of raw materials and fuel supply, consumption centres, future mechanisation of agriculture and national security become the major determinants of industrial locations. As a result of adherence to this policy, a new pattern has emerged for the location of China's steel industry.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 192-204 
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    Notes: It is generally known that the exchange rates in Soviet-type economies are disequilibrium exchange rates in the sense that without controls they do not tend to lead to a balance on the international current accounts. Of the two economies involved, it is also known that these exchange rates are unrealistic, in the sense that they have no relation to the gold content of currencies involved, if the currencies have a gold content, and that these rates do not reflect the relative domestic purchasing power of the two currencies on internationally traded commodities. In the case of the exchange rate between the Soviet rouble and the Communist Chinese yuan, even this disequilibrium and unrealistic exchange rate has in the main been veiled in secrecy since 1950. This secrecy has caused considerable difficulties in working with the Communist foreign trade statistics.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 241-250 
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    Notes: The annual sessions of the National People's Congress have always been more like a national rally than the parliamentary institution outlined in its own constitution. The leaders meet a large selected group deemed to represent the nation, outline their picture of national and international affairs, describe their plans and hopes for the future and call on the citizens to rally to the flag. From the floor of the house deferential speeches assure the leaders that all sections of the nation agree with them and will obey their call with alacrity. For the student outside China the first consideration is of course not what is said but how much is published. Six or eight years ago he had to wade through reams of material to catch the general flavour and find the occasional grain of fact in drifts of formal and repetitive chaff. In 1962, and now again in 1963, the problem was very different. The published documents are very brief and many passages are so generalised and indeed abstract that only an initiate can be sure of their meaning. The student's task is to expand these generalities and to suggest their context and their real meaning.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 272-272 
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    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 1-55 
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    Notes: In the preface to her biography of Sun Yat-sen, Lyon Sharman writes of the difficulty of drawing a realistic portrait of the symbol of modern Chinese nationalism. Even working in China immediately after Sun's death in 1925, the author attempting an untrammelled biography was hampered not only by the paucity of reliable data but also, and more seriously, by the fact that the Kuomintang had forbidden overt criticism of Sun and of his ideas. The fact that her volume on Sun is still the best available nearly thirty years after publication is a tribute both to the author's assiduousness and to her empathy for China and the Chinese.
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    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 56-61 
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    Notes: The two stretches of Sino-Soviet frontier which lie on either side of the Mongolian Republic differ from each other in at least one important respect: whereas the Soviet population on the eastern stretch is predominantly Russian, or at any rate non-Asian, and faces the solidly Asian population of Manchuria, that of the western stretch is predominantly Turkic-Muslim and faces the predominantly Turkic-Muslim population of the Sinkiang Uighur Autonomous Region formerly known as the Province of Sinkiang.
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    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 99-111 
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    Notes: Despite his claim to have advanced beyond Marxism and arrived at an entirely new conception of the nature of traditional non-Western societies, it is somewhat surprising to learn that Professor Karl Wittfogel still feels the need to seek the testimony of no less an “authority” on Asia than Karl Marx. In a recent article in this journal Professor Wittfogel has once again examined the canons of Marxism in order to find support for the theory of “Oriental despotism.” In this case the articles that Marx and Engels wrote on China during the 1850s have been rescued from obscurity and presented as major canonical texts in the evolution of the doctrine of “Oriental despotism.”
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    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 137-150 
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    Notes: At the lowest level of state administration in China some direct popular control of government is formally sanctioned. It is, therefore, at this level that the apparent conflict between the Chinese Communist Party's desire for mass participation in government and Party leadership over policy formation and execution can be analysed. The rural communes serve as a logical point of departure in this analysis. When formed in 1958, the rural communes replaced the hsiang as the basic unit of government administration for roughly 80 per cent, of the population. At the same time “democratic management,” a Party term for all kmds of mass political activity was emphasised, and by the autumn of 1958 a movement for the “Democratisation of Management” was under way. By December of the same year, however, the Central Committee of the Party warned that “militarisation of organisation” (another battle cry of that period) must not be used as a pretext to impair “democratic life” in the communes. From then on, the rural communes have been, in effect, a testing ground for the Party's policy towards popular participation in government.
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    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 169-180 
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 3-11 
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    Notes: Though Chiang Kai-shek may vow to “sleep on faggots and drink gall” until the mainland is liberated, he has some reason to rest more easily today than at any time in his long career as Nationalist leader. On the mainland his government never clearly controlled more than one of China's three “key economic areas” (the Yellow River plain, the Yangtze valley, and the Szechuan basin). At least he can effectively control Formosa, a realm 1/260th the size of the mainland. Nationalist cells permeate schools, factories and government bureaux. Local police organisations, semi-autonomous in mainland days, are now under the central control of loyal mainlanders. The powerful security force, the Formosa Garrison Command (FGC), operates under martial law. The two minority parties are as impotent as their mainland counterparts. There are no treaty ports to harbour leftist critics and the mountainous half of the island is effectively patrolled by government forces painfully aware of the dangers of banditry and rebellion.
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 56-64 
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    Notes: Until recent events so rudely contradicted them, the Nationalists officially regarded Mao Tse-tung et al. as a puppet government whose strings were pulled from Moscow; the Communists, for their part, have found it equally convenient to look at the Nationalists as a rebellious local government suffering under American “occupation.” However, in spite of the often renewed vows of one side to eliminate the other a sporadic dialogue has gone on between Peking and Taipei. This is not so surprising when one remembers the many short honeymoons which have occurred during the oft-renewed marriage of political convenience between the Nationalists and the Communists.
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 51-55 
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    Notes: America's policy towards Formosa has come under fire in recent months from all three groups of Chinese. The Nationalists and the Communists alike share the heritage that China is one state; some of the facts of international life, however, have given American policy a preference for accepting two Chinas in the world. The apparent American support for the Formosan independence movement is favoured neither by Peking nor Taipei. On the other hand the native Formosans criticise the contradictions and indecisions of American policy which, they say, encourages their democratic liberal movements, but at the same time helps Chiang Kai-shek to stay in office.
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 115-139 
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    Notes: It should not be difficult to understand that even if the device known as a “contract” in China is not a contract in the Western sense in terms of the descriptive definition offered at the beginning of the first part of this article, it may still perform some of the functions that contracts perform in the West. Further, in order to perform those functions it may be necessary that rules—laws—be adopted for purposes of efficiency and administrative convenience.
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 107-114 
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    Notes: The ancestors of the contemporary Formosans abandoned the Chinese mainland with its poverty and inequalities, in the latter half of the sixteenth century, and emigrated to Formosa in order to open up and settle in new territory. Yet they have had little independence. The Dutch East India Company conquered Formosa and used it as a commercial base between 1624 and 1661; Koxinga and his supporters expelled the Dutch in 1661 and used Formosa as an anti-Manchu base until 1683; then the Manchus of the Ch'ing Dynasty gained control of Formosa until 1895; the island was ceded to the Japanese in 1895 and it was not until the collapse of Japan hi 1945 that the Chinese Nationalist Government was able to rule Formosa.
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 166-171 
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 140-159 
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    Notes: Ch'en Shao-yü, Ch'in Pang-hsien (Po Ku) and others of the “returned students” group later claimed they had opposed the June resolution of the CC. According to a Japanese source, opponents centred within the propaganda and labour departments hastily convened a Central Workers' Conference in late June to criticise the Li Li-san leadership. The article stated that Li was able to override this opposition through the support of Hsiang Chung-fa, Chou En-lai, Hsiang Ying and others. However, in fact, Ch'en Shao-yü had urged a virtual replica of the “Li Li-san line” including the use of the Red Army two years earlier, and just a month before the June resolution he had written:Only those who are willing to protect the militarists, and the Iiquidationists who basically oppose armed uprisings can scold the CCP for preparing armed uprisings to seize power or term these actions adventurism....
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  • 82
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 45-50 
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    Notes: Nationalist China's diplomatic relations were in shambles as the disastrous year of 1949 came to a close. Major cities in southern China were falling rapidly to the Communists, Mao Tse-tung had arrived in Moscow on his triumphal trip and Chiang Kai-shek had fled to Formosa in bitter defeat. Only seven nations had established permanent missions in Formosa. Meanwhile, on the mainland a diplomatic never-never land existed; there were diplomats accredited to Peking, “negotiating representatives,” and ex-diplomats (in Chinese Communist eyes) whose countries had not recognised Peking.
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 65-74 
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    Notes: Chiang Kai-shek rebuilt his régime on Formosa not through his military might alone. Rather, he succeeded through rallying a group of intellectuals who could help him consolidate his rule on Formosa, work on propaganda, attract foreign aid and organise military control.
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 86-90 
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    Notes: In Taipei a pedicab driver, living on a dollar a day, waves a cheerful greeting. When he knows you better, he will roll up his sleeve and show the scars won by 28 years in the army—with never a victory in sight. Roast Peking duck, as succulent as ever, is brought to the table by a shouting waiter. Round the corner in the police station a twelve-year-old boy is beaten with bamboo rods for pilfering. Nearby lives one of the most famous Chinese scholars of the century. He would like to go on studying the ancient documents, but at eighty-eight he finds riding the rickety bus to the Academia Sinica a little too much. He totters in with tea and talks awhile with his guests. In his quiet moments he likes to write out classical poetry hi ancient calligraphy.
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 91-106 
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    Notes: Eighteen years ago Formosa was liberated from half a century of Japanese colonial rule. When Kuomintang soldiers and administrators arrived to reassert Chinese sovereignty over the island province in October 1945 they were enthusiastically welcomed as liberators by the For-mosans. Within a few months, however, the Kuomintang had succeeded in alienating virtually all segments of the native population by inaugurating a military régime that treated Formosa as a conquered territory rather than a liberated area. The mass pillaging, official corruption and political repression that marked the early period of Kuomintang rule in Formosa set in motion the tragic events that culminated in the revolt of February 1947 in the course of which at least 10,000 Formosans were massacred. The Kuomintang has since done little to heal the scars of 1947 and today most of the 10,000,000 Formosans look upon the nearly 2,000,000 mainlanders who fled to Formosa with the collapse of Kuomintang rule as foreign overlords and describe the Chinese Nationalist régime as a colonial tyranny far more oppressive than the former Japanese rule. That the overwhelming majority of Formosans favour the establishment of an independent Formosan state, without ties to mainland China and, preferably, without the presence of mainlanders, is a fact that can no longer be ignored in considering the present condition and future status of Formosa.
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 178-180 
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 199-200 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 17-29 
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    Notes: The establishment of Communist power in North Korea represents one more example of the triumph of purposive political behaviour over impersonal economic and social forces and as such merits the attention of all those who are concerned about the survival of the theory and practice of a free society in a shrinking world. If purposive Communist behaviour can become the prime mover of history, then so can the dedicated efforts of those with different conceptions of ends and means in the solution of human problems.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 141-152 
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    Notes: A leading figure in the field of modern Chinese philosophy, Fung Yu-lan (Feng Yu-lan) has lived and worked amidst the intellectual and political tensions which have characterised the recent history of his country. His major work, Chung-kuo Che-hsueh Shih (History of Chinese Philosophy), was published in the 1930s, and is known in the West through the monumental translation into English prepared by Professor Derk Bodde of the University of Pennsylvania. Fung's technical philosophical theories were defined and articulated in his wartime writings during the 1940s. Like many of the leading Chinese intellectuals, he has now embraced Marxism-Leninism, the new orthodoxy which provides the doctrinal creed for contemporary China even as Confucianism did for the scholar-officials of the imperial period.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 240-241 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 30-50 
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    Notes: On October 23, 1962, Premier Kim Il-song outlined the foreign policy of his government before the Supreme People's Assembly, meeting in Pyongyang. His lengthy speech, entitled “Immediate Tasks of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea,” ranged over both domestic and foreign policy issues. To set forth the major themes of that speech is a convenient method of introducing the foreign policy of North Korea.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 65-81 
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    Notes: In a speech delivered at the rally commemorating the fifteenth anniversary of the liberation of Korea, the North Korean Premier announced that the peasants in North Korea were now the owners of large-scale collectivised farms and that they had the firm technical foundation for bumper crops every year without strenuous efforts. He declared: “This is the beginning of a world for our farm villages.” Another spokesman of the North Korean regime has stated: “It is easy (or good) to work and enjoyable to live in the co-operativised North Korean farms. There is a bumper crop every year in the constantly changing collectivised fields and the peasants' work and living are literally song and dances.”
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 153-177 
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    Notes: This article is concerned with the nature, functions and scope of the institution in the People's Republic of China that is commonly referred to as contracts. The paper as a whole ultimately focuses on three problems: (1) the nature of this institution; (2) whether this institution, if it is of a different nature from the Western contract, performs tasks in the Chinese context not unlike those of the institution of contracts in the West: and (3) how it performs those tasks.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 254-258 
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 1-9 
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 1-3 
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 3-14 
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    Notes: “Where ideology restricts, art frees ...”: the opening section of T. A. Hsia's paper provides an eloquent statement of a fundamental distinction, a distinction which is at the centre of a dilemma. How is a group of men whose inclinations and commitments are to literature as art to approach a literature which is ideological in inspiration and intent? For this, we agreed, is a fair statement of the nature of Chinese Communist literature. It is more than a matter of guidance, or direction or control. It is not at all to be taken for granted that control is disastrous for literature. Great works of literature emerged in the past from under the control of despotic monarchs and authoritarian religions. Dante did not necessarily understand the authority of the Church to impose some kind of fetter on his work; it was a measure of restricted freedom that Chinese writers of the past knew and felt at home in. Great literature endures, as Mao Tun maintains, “not because literature is independent of politics but because it serves in a way much more profound than can be assessed at the moment.”
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