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  • Articles  (668)
  • Cambridge University Press  (668)
  • 1960-1964  (668)
  • 1950-1954
  • Economics  (668)
  • 1
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 1-8 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
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  • 2
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 513-529 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: In November 1963 the inhabitants of the Transkeian Territories, the largest block of Bantu reserve in the Republic of South Africa, went to the polls to elect representatives for a Legislative Assembly, upon whom the responsibility for the government of this, the first so-called ‘Bantustan’ to achieve a limited form of self-government, is to be laid. The election was the culminating point in a series of changes in the administrative structure of the area which have been characterised by an emphasis on the institution of chieftainship as the basis of local government. After approximately 60 years of rule through magistrates (later supplemented by a system of district councils) the Bantu Authorities Act of 1955 was introduced, giving greatly enhanced powers to the Chiefs, who now became the heads of the tribally-structured Bantu Authorities.
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  • 3
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 491-511 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: A Recebt study by the U.N. Secretariat provides ample proof, if further proof were needed, that the problem of the economic development of the low-income countries cannot be solved without these countries becoming not only producers, but also exporters of manufactured goods, on an important scale.1 At present 86 per cent of the exports of the ‘developing countries’2 consists of primary products, and only 14 per cent of manufactured goods. But the world market for primary commodities expands only slowly, owing to the low income elasticity of demand. This is partly due to the low income elasticity of food consumption in the wealthy countries and the rapid growth of their own agricultural production, and partly to economies in the use of materials in industry and the development of synthetics. Since 1938, the volume of trade in manufactures has more than trebled, while the volume of trade in primary products has increased only by two-thirds.
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  • 4
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 551-564 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: The World Federation of Trade Unions (W.F.T.U.) was one of the most hopeful ventures of all the Communist front organisations. Unlike some of the other fronts the Russians did not create it. They captured the W.F.T.U. after it was established, and had a good start. Once captured, however, the W.F.T.U. represented merely an extension of the pattern of the earlier Red International which had been created by the Comintern following World War I as a vehicle to reach the working masses of the world and rally them to Moscow. But like its predecessor—dissolved in 1937—the W.F.T.U. has also failed to make significant inroads among the workers in western countries and win control over them. While it has affiliates in the west, the French Confédération Générale du Travail (C.G.T.) and the Italian Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro (C.G.I.L.) being the most outstanding examples, the W.F.T.U. does not at all dominate these movements. Rather, control for the most part is exercised through the local Communist parties, some of which, while still very much an integral part of an international apparatus, have won some measure of autonomy from Moscow.1
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  • 5
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 575-577 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Rapid social, economic, and political developments on the continent of Africa since 1950 made it almost impossible for general African Studies Programs in the United States to keep up with new knowledge and events. In order to fill the growing need for more sharply defined Programs, Syracuse University, through the Maxwell Graduate School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, established in September 1962 the East African Studies Program with Dr Fred G. Burke as director.
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  • 6
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 565-571 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: The achievement of independence may tend to dull the interest which African leaders have shown in the organisations that try to influence policy-making in British government. But they should need no reminding that in Britain there are comparatively few means of maintaining an informed body of public opinion about international affairs as a background against which the Government can operate. Colonial policy was frequently left to colonial experts, and the case for African nationalism was argued by a small number of groups such as the Fabian Colonial Bureau, or the Movement for Colonial Freedom.
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  • 7
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 573-575 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: The basic aims of this Institute are the same as those of its sister Institutes in Santiago and Bangkok. Indeed the reasons for their establishment in Latin America and Asia are valid a fortiori in the African setting. A great number of newly emergent states are faced with the inescapable claim for accelerated economic growth, and this in its turn depends upon a considerable extension of public investment and upon the introduction of national economic planning, of a more or less comprehensive kind according to conditions in any particular country.
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  • 8
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 431-432 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: After the last war the Office of Scientific and Technical Research Overseas (O.R.S.T.O.M.), an official French organisation in Paris, set up a network of polyvalent institutes and research centres in French-speaking Africa, in Madagascar, New Caledonia, Tahiti, and Guiana. At the same time it organised a number of centres for specialised training in tropical research to supply its overseas institutes with staff, and asked the university and the French technical services to pay their salaries. This was how the Institut d'études centrafricaines (I.E.C.) came to be set up in 1946, under the direction of Professor L. J. Trochain, its aim being to cover the whole of the former French Equatorial Africa.
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  • 9
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 432-434 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Until a few years ago, applied economic research in Germany was mainly concerned with the industrial countries and their economic growth. Then the problems of the developing countries in Africa, Asia, and South America moved into the forefront of economic research programmes conducted both in the universities and by independent institutes. In 1961, the I.F.O. Institut für Writschaftsforschung (Institute for Economic Research) in Munich, the largest institute of its kind in Germany, which has more than 80 scientifically trained collaborators, set up the Afrika-Studienstelle to investigate the problems of economic development in tropical Africa.
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  • 10
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 434-436 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: This seminar was organised by the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa, in collaboration with the Government of Northern Nigeria, and was held at the Institute of Administration, Zaria. It was the second of a series of U.N. regional seminars on Central Services to Local Authorities. The first was held in Delhi about a year age. A third, in Latin America, will follow next year.The purpose of the seminar was to study the central agencies and institutions needed at the national level (or in a federal system at the state or provincial level) for the improvement of local government, and to assist local authorities by equipping their senior officers to contribute more effectively to local—and national—development.
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  • 11
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 436-437 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: The main theme of this Congress, held in the cité universitaire in Dijon, was the impact of agricultural changes on society in developed and developing countries. The modernisation of agriculture (industrialisation, commercialisation, decrease of manpower, increase of production per capita) is accompanied by a set of changes which affects not only the rural population itself; but also human society as a whole. Technological and economic changes have an influence on cultural and social structure. The Congress aimed to study this influence with emphasis on the effects on society as a whole, and to compare the experiences of developed and developing countries.
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  • 12
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 443-444 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Those interested in the progress of African socialism will welcome the recent decision of the Parti démocratique de Guinée (P.D.G.) to turn the official party organ, Horoya, into a daily newspaper instead of a weekly. This enables Africanists outside the Republic of Guinea to make a closer study of party activities and the evolution of party doctrine. The Government printing press, Imprimerie Patrice Lumumba, began the first daily issues in March 1964.
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  • 13
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 442-443 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: The idea of setting up an all-African Development Bank was first expressed in a resolution passed at the All-African Peoples' Conference held in Tunis in January 1960. This was followed in 1961 by a unanimous resolution of the Economic Commission for Africa, requesting the Executive Secretary ‘to undertake a thorough study of the possibilities of establishing an African development bank’. The following year, E.C.A. established a committee of nine member states (Cameroun, Ethiopia, Guinea, Liberia, Mali, Nigeria, Sudan, Tanganyika, and Tunisia), who were enjoined ‘to make all the necessary governmental and other contacts...to make complete and comprehensive studies into the financial and administrative structure of the proposed bank and into the nature and extent of its operations; to draft a charter... and to make recommendations on its location’.
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  • 14
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 444-447 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: I was attending a conference sponsored by the University of East Africa in Dar es Salaam when the sad news of the death of Professor Potekhin came through. The world community of Africanists has suffered a great loss. The people of Africa have lost one of their most devoted friends.Ivan Potekhin was born of a family of farmers in a small village in Siberia in 1903. No one can say what the destiny of this young Siberian peasant would have been had it not been for the Socialist revolution in Russia in October 1917. He was pulled into the revolutionary whirl and fought with arms to promote its ideals. This period in his life had a decisive role in shaping his political outlook and determining his future. From this time on, the idea of liberating man from political and social injustice became his creed. He devoted all his life to this.
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  • 15
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 449-451 
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  • 16
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  • 17
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 456-457 
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  • 18
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  • 19
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  • 20
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  • 21
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 462-464 
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  • 22
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  • 23
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 307-308 
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  • 24
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 308-310 
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  • 25
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 311-311 
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  • 26
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 312-313 
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  • 27
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 314-314 
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  • 28
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    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 1-2 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 29
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    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 1-3 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 30
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    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 67-95 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: This article surveys the development of Chinese education within South-East Asian Chinese societies, and briefly relates it to the integration and assimilation of the hua ch'iao into indigenous societies.
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  • 31
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    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 1-37 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: When the Chinese Communists finally consummated their seizure of power in mainland China, one of the first tasks which faced them was that of elaborating a formal institutional structure for the exercise of regular public authority. Indeed, while the new leadership now undoubtedly enjoyed de facto control over the country and the mass of the people, it found itself quite destitute of those normal channels of state regulation and administrative management which serve to bestow legitimacy on a claimant to the role of national government and to distinguish a duly constituted, relatively stable political order from an altogether fluid interlude of revolutionary action predicated on ad hoc use of organised force under a central direction. The Party soon moved to make up for this grave deficiency by creating, on paper at least, a complex mechanism of state administration to back up its bid for recognition as the official spokesman for the Chinese nation and, concurrently, provide it with the wherewithal to play that role effectively.
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  • 32
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    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 128-162 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: If as a theorist Mao Tun was without a theory, as a polemicist he was without a polemic. What plagued him there also hurt him here, and for the same reason: he did not as yet have any firm conviction regarding his standpoint. He did not have a solid base to operate from.
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  • 33
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  • 34
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    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 167-170 
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  • 35
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    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 171-187 
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  • 36
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    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 187-187 
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  • 37
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 1-4 
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  • 38
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 1-3 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 39
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 118-140 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: One of the most pressing needs of the Chinese Communists when they established their régime, was to convert the sprawling semi-guerrilla force which had brought them to power into a modern army capable of maintaining that power. China's leaders were acutely aware of this need and they lost little time in launching the armed forces on the long march to modernisation. No modernisation, however, could have succeeded without large numbers of officers skilled in running a complex military establishment. The Red Army commanders, though resourceful and battle-tested, were by and large not equipped for this task. It was necessary, therefore, to develop a professional officer corps.
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  • 40
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 141-152 
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    Notes: Mao Tse-tung, the Marxist, may believe in the “objective” and “inevitable” forces of history, but Mao, the politician, general and revolutionary has argued that Communist success depends on the “subjective factor of ability of direction.” This article analyses the variation in the Chinese Communist definition of good military leadership and the relationship between this definition and officer training programmes.
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  • 41
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 153-159 
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    Notes: Perhaps the most significant development affecting the Chinese army in recent months has been the campaign to “Learn from the Experience of the People's Liberation Army in Political and Ideological Work” launched by the People's Daily editorial of February 1, 1964. In the context of the nation-wide emulation movement, the Liberation Army's achievements in this field of political work make it a model for the whole nation to “learn from, study and compare with.” Industries, commercial enterprises, government departments, trade unions, rural work cadres and other important sections of the community are reported to have taken up the challenge to “learn from the People's Liberation Army.” At the same time there has been an exceptional quantity of news about the political achievements of the Army and of its model soldiers and companies.
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  • 42
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 174-194 
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    Notes: Chou en-lai's recent “western expedition” to Africa and the Mediterranean was Peking's greatest diplomatic effort to date outside the Communist world. Coming at a time when China had openly split from Russia and yet remained at odds with America, India, and most other countries, it marked a turning point in Peking's foreign policy and perhaps in the entire post-war structure of international relations.
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  • 43
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 160-173 
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    Notes: Among the most significant polemical fall-out of the past year has been the increasing indication that modern weapons questions lie near the heart of Sino-Soviet estrangement. Whether or not the recent Chinese Communist charge is true, that the Russians later reneged on a 1957 “advanced technology” commitment, Soviet and Chinese behaviour since 1957 testifies to considerable Russian long-range concern over a nuclear-armed China, Russian reluctance to assist China to gain this end quickly, and accumulating Chinese anger at such un-comradely behaviour. The only unique ingredient in recent polemical exchanges is added explicitness; the modern weapons messages have been there all along. This is not to say that the Sino-Soviet schism is not the product, as well, of competing revolutionary strategies, theological pretension, struggle for supreme Communist authority, and fundamental disagreement over whether Stalin should be praised or buried. Underlying such antagonisms and contributing to them, however, have been deep-seated differences over modern weapons central to the initiation and aggravation of Sino-Soviet estrangement.
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  • 44
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 195-200 
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    Notes: On January 27 a communiqué was issued in Paris and Peking which read, somewhat baldly:The Government of the People's Republic of China and the Government of the French Republic have decided in mutual agreement to establish diplomatic relations.For this purpose, the two Governments have agreed to appoint their ambassadors within three months.
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  • 46
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 229-244 
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  • 48
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 245-246 
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 3-38 
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    Notes: China had no Second Five-Year Plan (1958–62) only five ad hoc annual plans during that period. In basic construction and industrial production a great leap forward did take place in the first three years, only to be followed by collapse and readjustment in the last two years. In agriculture, the period started with an unprecedented bumper crop in the first year, after which there commenced an agricultural crisis that grew in intensity from year to year until 1962 when the output of food grains and green vegetables began to show recovery. This was in sharp contrast to the First Five-Year Plan period which concluded with spectacular achievements in heavy industry, moderate success in light industry and slow but steady improvement in agriculture.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 39-55 
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    Notes: The present situation in China's heavy industry is a strange sequel to the programme for rapid industrialisation that took place from 1950 to 1960. Production of steel and other heavy industrial products were once proudly broadcast to show China's progress. Now the Chinese planners stress only the ways in which heavy industry can support agriculture. The priority once given to heavy industry is now a political liability rather than a basis for feelings of national pride. Behind the euphemistic description of present objectives in industry as “work to readjust, consolidate, fill out and raise standards” is a situation where the planners show little interest in maximising production in heavy industry. This serious setback to the programme for rapid industrialisation needs to be interpreted in the light of the trends in capital formation that have occurred since 1950.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 56-64 
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    Notes: A sharp contrast stands between the mood of optimism in 1958 and 1959 when official as well as unofficial reports of industrial progress continued to pour out of Communist China and the silence and complete black-out of statistical information which has characterised the Chinese scene since 1960. If the principal landmarks are retraced, the first major sign of a change in official policy appears to have come in early 1961 when the Chinese Communist Party decided to reverse the policies which had characterised the “leap forward” of 1958–59. This was followed by a drastic policy of retrenchment in investment and reorientation of industrial production during the latter part of 1961 as the economic crisis deepened. Since then the new slogan has been “adjustment, consolidation, reinforcement, and improvement”; the new order of priorities is agriculture, light industry and heavy industry; the new approach is to regard agriculture as the economic base and industry as the “leading factor.”
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 65-91 
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    Notes: Until a short time ago, it appeared that much of what was going on in China could be characterised by the cynical aphorism plus ça change plus c'est la même chose. Many things became manifest in the country that were reminiscent of themes centuries old. China had gone through two radical phases, one during the First Five-Year Plan period when the Chinese Communists tried to repeat the Soviet experience of industrialisation, and the second during the Great Leap Forward when they used their own mobilisational means to try to achieve economic break-through. The ninth Plenum in January 1961 called a dramatic halt to the extreme policies of the Great Leap Forward, and launched a period that bears strong similarities to the N.E.P. (New Economic Policy) period of the early 1920s in the Soviet Union. Many traditional patterns that were effaced during the years of radicalism began to reappear. There was talk of the need “to study very well traditional economic relationships.” It seemed that for a while the leadership had decided that only a truly voluntary response from below, and not coercion of any sort, could rescue China from the morass in which it found itself. But as of the time of the writing of this article, there are ominous signs that China may be approaching another “1928.” The Party drums are rolling once again, and the themes are not those of the N.E.P., but more like those which preceded the great Soviet collectivisation drive of 1928. During the last few years, the leadership made no attempt to hide the facts of China's poverty and isolation. But now a new note of defiance, of toughness has crept out. Where it will lead is hard to say.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 92-110 
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    Notes: In their concerted and ardent efforts to industrialise and develop the economy rapidly, the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party have given work incentives an important role—a role which operates narrowly within the limits set by economic necessity and ideology. The pendulum has swung from an emphasis on material incentives (First Five-Year Plan, 1953–57) to a stress on non-material incentives (1957–60) and back again (1960 on). These major changes in incentive policy have reflected the significant turns in the grand socio-economic strategy of the Chinese Communist Party.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 111-124 
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    Notes: Economic planning in China was pioneered by Kao Kang, Chairman of the North-East Administrative Area in the early days of the Communist régime, who controlled the region formerly known as Manchuria. This was the region which the Japanese had developed into China's foremost centre of heavy industry. It came under Communist rule before most of the country and as early as 1949 the North-East Financial and Economic Commission had made a rough plan for rehabilitating its industry. Two years later a regional planning commission was established.
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    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 38-66 
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    Notes: The Chinese are still divided into two groups. One group is very left in its views, very vociferous, very active, very humourless, very narrow minded and forceful, and knows what it wants and intends to achieve its objects by fair means or foul, regardless of what the rest of the population may think. The other group is undoubtedly immensely larger, though one might be excused for not realising this, as it lacks cohesion and the people in it merely wish to be left alone to carry on their normal avocations. Since it has no strong feelings not only does this group not speak out, but in many cases it finds the line of least resistance is to support the other group when asked to do so.The 1962 Annual Report for the District of Kuching, The Sarawak Gazette, May 31, 1963.
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    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 96-127 
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    Notes: On December 9, 1963, Singapore's Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew, in presenting a general policy statement of his government for the coming year to the Singapore Legislative Assembly, noted that in Singapore's Nanyang University “a situation is developing which if left unchecked will make it more a University of Yenan than of Nanyang,” and that “Indeed the problems of Nanyang can never be resolved until the political abuse the Communists make of it is exposed and stopped.” Lee's remarks, like his previous ones on the subject of Nanyang University, did not fail to touch on a raw nerve of the University's problems. But as in the past, the raising of the spectre of Yenan has tended to obscure the complex patterns of pride and prejudice and the dilemmas of educational policy confronting the Malaysian Chinese community and indeed the hua ch'iao (Overseas Chinese) of Southeast Asia generally, of which the University is but an expression. Nanyang University's problems today provide an index to the paradoxes and the conflicting appeals as a whole that stir the community whose interests it was originally designed to serve.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 125-133 
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    Notes: The importance of examining the location of China's steel development is not confined solely to the steel industry. It reflects to a large extent, the Communist policy on industrial location in general. The new steel centres have been planned to form the nuclei of industrial complexes. To counteract the pre-Communist concentration of industry in the coastal areas, the Communist régime has emphasised from the beginning that a wide dispersion of industry is desirable from the standpoint of economic development and national defence. In planning new capital construction, therefore, regional development constitutes a key-note while sources of raw materials and fuel supply, consumption centres, future mechanisation of agriculture and national security become the major determinants of industrial locations. As a result of adherence to this policy, a new pattern has emerged for the location of China's steel industry.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 134-150 
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    Notes: At the beginning of the “Great Leap Forward” campaign of 1958, Mao Tse-tung declared the now much publicised “eight-character constitution of agriculture” for the technical transformation of agriculture. This “constitution” was essentially a condensed and more appealing version of the National Agricultural Development Programme for 1956–67, promulgated in 1956, which contains twelve important measures to improve agricultural production. The eight Chinese characters referred to are: shui, water conservation; fei, fertilisation; t'u, soil conservation; chung, seed selection; mi, dense planting; pao, plant protection; kung, tool improvement; and kuan, field management.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 151-173 
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    Notes: Even though it is a truism, it is worth pointing out that with relatively little foreign trade and even less foreign aid, Communist China's economic growth must in the main result directly from the development of her indigenous resources. In her comparatively backward economy, most of those resources were to be found initially in two traditional sectors of production: in agriculture, and in various crafts and trades. Due to limited division of labour, these two traditional sectors were not separated sharply from each other, but overlapped in the person of the peasant-craftsman who was relatively common in the countryside.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 174-191 
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    Notes: The development of the ideological controversy between Communist China and the Soviet Union in recent years has aroused increased interest in a more careful evaluation of Sino-Soviet economic relations. In this paper, I attempt to deal with one specific aspect of this broad area, that is the price problem in Sino-Soviet trade.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 205-228 
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    Notes: The angry outbursts of Chinese intellectuals against the Chinese Communist Party at the time of the Hundred Flowers in 1956–57 revealed that China's intellectuals, even those who were oriented towards the left, were in conflict with many of the Party's practices. Actually, this tension between the Party and the intellectuals had been smouldering for a long time. It had come to the surface many years earlier during the Cheng Feng movement in Yenan in the early 1940s. At that time the Party, as it did later in the Hundred Flowers period, embarked on a drive “to rectify the style of work” of both Party members and intellectuals. One aspect of this drive was that the Party encouraged intellectuals and lower-rank cadres to speak out on the misuses of Party power.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 258-260 
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 251-256 
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    Notes: The second National People's Congress of the Chinese People's Republic held its fourth session in Peking between November 17, and December 3, 1963. Altogether 1,012 deputies attended the session.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 261-271 
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 257-258 
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 272-272 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 578-580 
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    Notes: The practice of holding conferences of Commonwealth Speakers or Presiding Officers of legislatures and of the Clerks of those legislatures is not as prevalent as one would expect in view of the importance which is attached to the institution of parliament as a bond between Commonwealth countries.For many years India has provided an outstanding example of co-operation in this field. The first conference of Presiding Officers of the various legislatures in that country took place in New Delhi in 1921. Since then these conferences have been held periodically and they have now become a regular annual event. The agenda largely comprises procedural points of interest; no votes are taken and no formal resolutions are adopted. The first conference of Secretaries of legislative bodies in India was held at Gwalior in 1953, and subsequent conferences have been held annually in different states.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 438-439 
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    Notes: This conference, under the direction of Dr A. N. Allott of the University of London, was an outstanding success and marked a real development in the consideration of the subject. About half the participants, who numbered just under 40, were from universities in Africa, U.S.A., and Europe; the others were mainly from the government or the judiciary of various African countries. The annual general meeting of the International African Law Association also took place during the week.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 439-440 
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    Notes: Closer international co-operation at the national level—this was the basic idea behind the resolutions passed by this conference, where overseas volunteers from seven different organisations operating in the United Republic met government officials to discuss the possibilities of more detailed collaboration. The seven were: Mellemfolkeligt Samvirke, the British United Nations Association, Voluntary Service Overseas, Harvard—Project Tanzania, the American Friends Service Committee, Deutscher Entwicklungsdienst, and the United States Peace Corps, which alone has 180 volunteers at work.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 440-442 
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    Notes: At the fourth Cambridge conference on development problems, the role of industry was discussed by ministers, senior officials, economic advisers, and business executives, from 22 African, Asian, and Caribbean countries, the United Nations, and the World Bank. Have some, if not all, of Africa's new nations now reached the stage when it would pay them to put their biggest bets on quick industrialisation? Or must they go on putting most of their money and brains into bringing about an agricultural revolution first, before striving for industrial take-off? These questions started the conference off on one of its big themes.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 468-469 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 1-7 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 1-2 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 189-219 
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    Notes: This analysis of the problem, coming as it does from an Ethiopian, may seem biased against Somalia. Although I shall not claim objectivity, for I am a conscious Ethiopian, I must, nevertheless, state that I have not deliberately omitted or distorted facts to suit Ethiopia's case. My conviction that Ethiopia is in the right is quite apparent. I am equally convinced that it is not in the interest of either country to ignore their vital interdependence.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 165-188 
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    Notes: Since 1960, the Northern Frontier District of Kenya (N.F.D.) has become the centre of controversy between two African nations—the Somali Republic and Kenya. The area, about 102,000 square miles, includes the dominantly Somali-inhabited Mandera, Wajir, and Garissa Districts and the non-Somali (mainly Galla) districts of Marsabit, Isiolo, and Moyale.1 It consists of a vast, low plateau sloping rather uniformly from 2,000 feet east of Lake Rudolph towards Lamu on the Indian Ocean. Except for the Marsabit mountain region, it is semi-desert, covered by thornbush and useful only for grazing camels, cattle, goats, and sheep. The climate is hot, and the average annual rainfall is less than 12 inches. No commercially exploitable minerals have been found, and the flatness of the land often causes flash floods during and after the two rainy seasons.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 149-164 
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    Notes: This article indicates the complexity of the social relations of whites and Africans in Southern Africa and the myths by which they rationalise their behaviour.1 The situation is not identical throughout Southern Africa, but there are, as I will show, certain fundamental similarities which validate an over-all analysis in terms of a ‘colonial situation’.2Each of the countries of Southern Africa (the Republic of South Africa, Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia, Nyasaland, the three British High Commission territories of Swaziland, Bechuanaland, and Basutoland, and the Portuguese provinces of Mozambique and Angola) represents a distinct political unit, expressing in its constitution the limits of control and participation permitted to groups which are distinguished according to so-called ‘racial’, ‘ethnic’, or ‘cultural’ differences. There has been a major distinction, explicit in some countries, disguised in others, between a dominant white minority and a subordinate African majority, a division corresponding to the ‘colonisers’ or ‘colonials’ on the one hand, and the ‘colonised’ on the other. But now Nyasaland has become independent Zambia, and Northern Rhodesia will achieve independence in October 1964.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 221-246 
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    Notes: The accusation that Britain neglected the three High Commission territories of Basutoland, Bechuanaland, and Swaziland, especially during the inter-war period, is a common one, both in standard works on the subject and in current controversies over their future. It has been alleged that an important reason for this neglect was the assumption made by successive British governments that their future status was uncertain, particularly in view of South Africa's repeated claim that the territories were geographically part of the Union, largely dependent on the latter's economy, and therefore should be transferred to South Africa's jurisdiction.1 In this article an attempt will be made to test the truth of these assertions in so far as there is evidence for a considered judgment.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 247-263 
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    Notes: It is commonly claimed by critics both within Nigeria and outside that, while the present Government preaches political non-alignment, it does not practise it, and indeed cannot because of Nigeria's economic alignment with the west. The present article seeks to assess the validity of this thesis. Three separate propositions are involved: first, that Nigeria professes but does not pursue a policy of non-alignment; secondly, that Nigeria is economically tied to the west; and finally, and most important, that there is a causal connexion between the two.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 279-285 
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    Notes: Historians sometimes claim to be making their own modest contribution to the African revolution by re-establishing the identity of Africa's pre-colonial past. But it should not be thought that the relevance of their work to modern Africa can end there, nor even that this is the most difficult of the adjustments of perspective which they will need to make. Now that the colonial flags are coming down, European and African historians will need to look back—so far as is humanly possible, without anger—and try to answer the question of how the Europeans came to be there as rulers. (An even more difficult task, still not seriously begun, will be to appraise the lasting historical importance of their rule.)
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 112-113 
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    Notes: Many readers of this Journal will be familiar with the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute, either through personal contact or through its publications. Situated a few miles outside Lusaka, the capital of Northern Rhodesia, the Institute has during the 25 years of its existence become one of the foremost centres of anthropological and sociological research, and by its publications has made Northern Rhodesia one of the best-documented areas in the continent of Africa.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 99-110 
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    Notes: There was a considerable increase in the number of African countries compiling national accounts during the 1950's; ‘what was once the happy hunting ground of the independent research worker has become the routine preoccupation of official statisticians and international Civil Servants.’1 A comparison of the methods of calculation in use was speeded up when the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa was established, and the International Association for Research in Income and Wealth (made up of national accounts workers in different countries) sponsored a regional conference for Africa in January 1961. Official statisticians at that conference proceeded immediately to a U.N.E.C.A. meeting and considered the role national accounts calculations could play in Africa, and how far a standardised system was possible. This article reviews the published papers considered at the I.A.R.I.W. conference, and other relevant publications recently becoming available.2
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 117-118 
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    Notes: The sixth annual meeting of the African Studies Association, the leading American academic society of specialists on Africa, was the first to be held on the west coast. Although attendance could not be expected to match that at meetings in the east, a registration of over 250 testifies to the increasing strength of African studies in America. Quite a few of the founders of the Association were present, but the participation of many newcomers suggested that a second generation of American Africanists was bringing new vigour and insights to the field. Several visiting African scholars made notable contributions to the meeting.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 114-117 
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    Notes: Over the past few years many arguments have been exchanged between partisans of multilateral aid to developing countries and those who prefer bilateral forms of co-operation. Multilateral programmes are often accused of inefficiency and waste owing to international bureaucracy and political complications, and bilateral agreements just as often are suspected of covering up for neo-colonialism. In the meantime a new kind of multi-national aid programme has appeared. Sometimes these are on government level, like the joint educational programmes of the Nordic countries in Tanganyika; sometimes there is co-operation between non-governmental organisations in different donor countries.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 113-114 
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    Notes: The main aim of the social affairs section of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, in organising this workshop, was to analyse the economic aspects of the situation of women in African urban areas, and their importance in general economic development. Twenty-four women had been invited from as many African countries, representing the whole range of modern activities; 14 of them came, with another 10 representing the various regions of Nigeria, and more than 50 observers.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 118-120 
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    Notes: While most African countries have no real cause for alarm concerning narcotic drug addiction and illicit trafficking, the possibilities for the future in such a huge and rapidly changing area call for the utmost vigilance. Only in this way can the tragedy of large-scale addiction which has afflicted other wide regions of the world be avoided. Urbanisation, internal migration, and detribalisation are factors which might well sow the seeds of future trouble. The United Nations therefore organised this regional seminar, the first of its kind in Africa, as part of its programme of technical assistance in narcotics control.
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  • 89
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 1-2 
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  • 90
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 471-489 
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    Notes: The correct starting point in the analysis of any economic unit is to pose the following three questions: What are the needs of the people? What resources are available? How adequately are these resources being mobilised for these needs ?1These questions are applicable to a continent or a country (or for that matter a county, a city, or a village); they can also be applied to the world as a whole. If they are, a picture emerges which, if it does not appal us, because it is so familiar and so easily taken for granted, would certainly astonish a visitor from another planet. The basic human needs for nourishment and for protection from the weather are not great, and the resources known to be available could, with current levels of technique, easily permit a comfortable living standard for everyone. Yet these resources are very largely unexploited or wasted, and miserable poverty is the typical human condition.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 531-549 
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    Notes: For those who follow African events closely it is the phenomenon of nationalism which attracts greatest attention. It was a rising sense of national identity which threw off the colonial yoke, and this ongoing creation and exaltation of culture and society at the national level can either foster or frustrate the creation of viable political units. We are therefore obliged to keep abreast of African nationalism if we are to understand the course of events and forecast the shape of things to come in this developing continent.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 577-578 
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    Notes: The Centre of West African Studies has been in full operation since October 1964. Its staff is as follows: J. D. Fage, M.A., Ph.D. (Director and Professor of African History); P. C. Lloyd, M.A., B.Sc., D.Phil. (Senior Lecturer in Sociology); D. Rimmer, B.A. (Lecturer in Economics); R. E. Bradbury, B.A., Ph.D. (Lecturer in Social Anthropology); K. W. J. Post, M.A. (Lecturer in Political Science); A. G. Hopkins, B.A., Ph.D. (Assistant Lecturer in Economic History). A number of other members of the University of Birmingham are closely associated with the work of the Centre, including D. W. J. Johnson, M.A., B.Litt. (History); R. E. Wraith, C.B.E., B.Com. (Local Government); W. B. Morgan, M.A., Ph.D., and R. P. Moss, B.Sc., Ph.D. (Geography); and R. H. F. Dalton, B.A. (Education).
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 580-581 
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    Notes: Under the auspices of the U.S. Department of State, the Ford Foundation, Georgetown University, and the African-American Institute, more than 75 scholars and other specialists convened at the Shoreham Hotel, Washington, D.C., to exchange views on problems of political and social change in francophone Africa, and to discuss them with a much wider audience of government officials and diplomats from Africa, Western Europe, Canada, and the United States. The programme, the first of its kind ever held in the United States, was organised and directed by Dr William H. Lewis of Georgetown University.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 591-594 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 584-586 
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    Notes: The Poets' conference held under the auspices of the Berlin Festival had the same theme as that of the entire festival this year, Africa's contribution and relation to the arts and culture of Europe. It is at once debatable whether a conference can decide what culture is: whether culture can be talked about across a table among 70 men and women from different parts of the world via tri-lingual instantaneous translations and other kinds of static that fill the air at such times. To appreciate the even subtler intervention of Africa into western culture, in these circumstances, might prove to be impossible. Fortunately conferences have a way of finding their working levels, even though these may not always coincide with the subject assigned them.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 587-590 
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    Notes: Because it is easy to dramatise the stuff of politics, Pan-Africanism is usually discussed only in terms of its political implications. But its protagonists justify their confidence in its value by their belief that functional co-operation on a regional and continental basis offers the best—perhaps the only—way of meeting the social and economic challenges facing the nascent modern African societies. For them, therefore, the real test of Pan-Africanism's success lies not simply in whether the independent African states can succeed in maintaining a single political organisation such as the Organisation of African Unity, but whether it is capable of making an effective contribution towards improving and strengthening Africa's economies and societies. The O.A.U.'s specialised commissions are, therefore, of crucial importance in evaluating the achievements, or potentialities, of Pan-Africanism.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 582-584 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: The chairman of the conference, who presided at the opening session, was Rashidi Kawawa, Second Vice-President ofthe United Republic of Tanzania. The conference was fortunate to have an East African Minister as discussion leader at each of its plenary sessions; and it was particularly valuable that the three Tanzania Ministers of State, A. Z. N. Swai, A. H. Jamal, and A. M. Babu, were able to devote so much time to participating in the work of the conference. Each of the three East African countries sent a strong team of Ministers, Members of Parliament, and civil servants; particularly notable contributions were made by J. G. Kiano, Minister for Commerce and Cooperatives in the Government of Kenya, and C. Obwangor, Minister for Justice for Uganda. The three wings of the University of East Africa were formidably represented; and there were observers from the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (Addis Ababa), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (Paris), the Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry of East Africa, the U.S.A.I.D., and the Ford Foundation, without whose financial generosity the conference could not have taken place. Finally, there was a selection of ‘specialists’ from overseas: Nicholas Kaldor from Cambridge, William Clark from the Overseas Development Institute in London, Vladimir Martynov from the Institute of World Economy and International Affairs in Moscow, George Skorov from the International Institute for Educational Planning in Paris, M. R. Shroff, Deputy Economic Adviser to the Government of India, whose contribution was generally regarded as quite outstanding, and myself, a sort of governmental wolf in academic sheep's clothing.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 594-596 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 596-598 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 1-4 
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