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  • Articles  (410)
  • Cambridge University Press  (410)
  • 1960-1964  (410)
  • 1950-1954
  • Linguistics and Literary Studies  (410)
  • 1
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 1-2 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 2
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 1-3 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 3
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 67-95 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: This article surveys the development of Chinese education within South-East Asian Chinese societies, and briefly relates it to the integration and assimilation of the hua ch'iao into indigenous societies.
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  • 4
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 1-37 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: When the Chinese Communists finally consummated their seizure of power in mainland China, one of the first tasks which faced them was that of elaborating a formal institutional structure for the exercise of regular public authority. Indeed, while the new leadership now undoubtedly enjoyed de facto control over the country and the mass of the people, it found itself quite destitute of those normal channels of state regulation and administrative management which serve to bestow legitimacy on a claimant to the role of national government and to distinguish a duly constituted, relatively stable political order from an altogether fluid interlude of revolutionary action predicated on ad hoc use of organised force under a central direction. The Party soon moved to make up for this grave deficiency by creating, on paper at least, a complex mechanism of state administration to back up its bid for recognition as the official spokesman for the Chinese nation and, concurrently, provide it with the wherewithal to play that role effectively.
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  • 5
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 128-162 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: If as a theorist Mao Tun was without a theory, as a polemicist he was without a polemic. What plagued him there also hurt him here, and for the same reason: he did not as yet have any firm conviction regarding his standpoint. He did not have a solid base to operate from.
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  • 6
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 7
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 167-170 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 8
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 171-187 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 9
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 187-187 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 10
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 1-4 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 11
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 1-3 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 12
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 118-140 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: One of the most pressing needs of the Chinese Communists when they established their régime, was to convert the sprawling semi-guerrilla force which had brought them to power into a modern army capable of maintaining that power. China's leaders were acutely aware of this need and they lost little time in launching the armed forces on the long march to modernisation. No modernisation, however, could have succeeded without large numbers of officers skilled in running a complex military establishment. The Red Army commanders, though resourceful and battle-tested, were by and large not equipped for this task. It was necessary, therefore, to develop a professional officer corps.
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  • 13
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 141-152 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Mao Tse-tung, the Marxist, may believe in the “objective” and “inevitable” forces of history, but Mao, the politician, general and revolutionary has argued that Communist success depends on the “subjective factor of ability of direction.” This article analyses the variation in the Chinese Communist definition of good military leadership and the relationship between this definition and officer training programmes.
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  • 14
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 153-159 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Perhaps the most significant development affecting the Chinese army in recent months has been the campaign to “Learn from the Experience of the People's Liberation Army in Political and Ideological Work” launched by the People's Daily editorial of February 1, 1964. In the context of the nation-wide emulation movement, the Liberation Army's achievements in this field of political work make it a model for the whole nation to “learn from, study and compare with.” Industries, commercial enterprises, government departments, trade unions, rural work cadres and other important sections of the community are reported to have taken up the challenge to “learn from the People's Liberation Army.” At the same time there has been an exceptional quantity of news about the political achievements of the Army and of its model soldiers and companies.
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  • 15
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 174-194 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Chou en-lai's recent “western expedition” to Africa and the Mediterranean was Peking's greatest diplomatic effort to date outside the Communist world. Coming at a time when China had openly split from Russia and yet remained at odds with America, India, and most other countries, it marked a turning point in Peking's foreign policy and perhaps in the entire post-war structure of international relations.
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  • 16
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 160-173 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Among the most significant polemical fall-out of the past year has been the increasing indication that modern weapons questions lie near the heart of Sino-Soviet estrangement. Whether or not the recent Chinese Communist charge is true, that the Russians later reneged on a 1957 “advanced technology” commitment, Soviet and Chinese behaviour since 1957 testifies to considerable Russian long-range concern over a nuclear-armed China, Russian reluctance to assist China to gain this end quickly, and accumulating Chinese anger at such un-comradely behaviour. The only unique ingredient in recent polemical exchanges is added explicitness; the modern weapons messages have been there all along. This is not to say that the Sino-Soviet schism is not the product, as well, of competing revolutionary strategies, theological pretension, struggle for supreme Communist authority, and fundamental disagreement over whether Stalin should be praised or buried. Underlying such antagonisms and contributing to them, however, have been deep-seated differences over modern weapons central to the initiation and aggravation of Sino-Soviet estrangement.
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  • 17
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 195-200 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: On January 27 a communiqué was issued in Paris and Peking which read, somewhat baldly:The Government of the People's Republic of China and the Government of the French Republic have decided in mutual agreement to establish diplomatic relations.For this purpose, the two Governments have agreed to appoint their ambassadors within three months.
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  • 18
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  • 19
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 229-244 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 20
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  • 21
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 245-246 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 22
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 1-2 
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  • 23
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 1-2 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 24
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 1-2 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 25
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 3-38 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: China had no Second Five-Year Plan (1958–62) only five ad hoc annual plans during that period. In basic construction and industrial production a great leap forward did take place in the first three years, only to be followed by collapse and readjustment in the last two years. In agriculture, the period started with an unprecedented bumper crop in the first year, after which there commenced an agricultural crisis that grew in intensity from year to year until 1962 when the output of food grains and green vegetables began to show recovery. This was in sharp contrast to the First Five-Year Plan period which concluded with spectacular achievements in heavy industry, moderate success in light industry and slow but steady improvement in agriculture.
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  • 26
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 39-55 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The present situation in China's heavy industry is a strange sequel to the programme for rapid industrialisation that took place from 1950 to 1960. Production of steel and other heavy industrial products were once proudly broadcast to show China's progress. Now the Chinese planners stress only the ways in which heavy industry can support agriculture. The priority once given to heavy industry is now a political liability rather than a basis for feelings of national pride. Behind the euphemistic description of present objectives in industry as “work to readjust, consolidate, fill out and raise standards” is a situation where the planners show little interest in maximising production in heavy industry. This serious setback to the programme for rapid industrialisation needs to be interpreted in the light of the trends in capital formation that have occurred since 1950.
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  • 27
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 56-64 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: A sharp contrast stands between the mood of optimism in 1958 and 1959 when official as well as unofficial reports of industrial progress continued to pour out of Communist China and the silence and complete black-out of statistical information which has characterised the Chinese scene since 1960. If the principal landmarks are retraced, the first major sign of a change in official policy appears to have come in early 1961 when the Chinese Communist Party decided to reverse the policies which had characterised the “leap forward” of 1958–59. This was followed by a drastic policy of retrenchment in investment and reorientation of industrial production during the latter part of 1961 as the economic crisis deepened. Since then the new slogan has been “adjustment, consolidation, reinforcement, and improvement”; the new order of priorities is agriculture, light industry and heavy industry; the new approach is to regard agriculture as the economic base and industry as the “leading factor.”
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  • 28
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 65-91 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Until a short time ago, it appeared that much of what was going on in China could be characterised by the cynical aphorism plus ça change plus c'est la même chose. Many things became manifest in the country that were reminiscent of themes centuries old. China had gone through two radical phases, one during the First Five-Year Plan period when the Chinese Communists tried to repeat the Soviet experience of industrialisation, and the second during the Great Leap Forward when they used their own mobilisational means to try to achieve economic break-through. The ninth Plenum in January 1961 called a dramatic halt to the extreme policies of the Great Leap Forward, and launched a period that bears strong similarities to the N.E.P. (New Economic Policy) period of the early 1920s in the Soviet Union. Many traditional patterns that were effaced during the years of radicalism began to reappear. There was talk of the need “to study very well traditional economic relationships.” It seemed that for a while the leadership had decided that only a truly voluntary response from below, and not coercion of any sort, could rescue China from the morass in which it found itself. But as of the time of the writing of this article, there are ominous signs that China may be approaching another “1928.” The Party drums are rolling once again, and the themes are not those of the N.E.P., but more like those which preceded the great Soviet collectivisation drive of 1928. During the last few years, the leadership made no attempt to hide the facts of China's poverty and isolation. But now a new note of defiance, of toughness has crept out. Where it will lead is hard to say.
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  • 29
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 92-110 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: In their concerted and ardent efforts to industrialise and develop the economy rapidly, the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party have given work incentives an important role—a role which operates narrowly within the limits set by economic necessity and ideology. The pendulum has swung from an emphasis on material incentives (First Five-Year Plan, 1953–57) to a stress on non-material incentives (1957–60) and back again (1960 on). These major changes in incentive policy have reflected the significant turns in the grand socio-economic strategy of the Chinese Communist Party.
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  • 30
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 111-124 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Economic planning in China was pioneered by Kao Kang, Chairman of the North-East Administrative Area in the early days of the Communist régime, who controlled the region formerly known as Manchuria. This was the region which the Japanese had developed into China's foremost centre of heavy industry. It came under Communist rule before most of the country and as early as 1949 the North-East Financial and Economic Commission had made a rough plan for rehabilitating its industry. Two years later a regional planning commission was established.
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  • 31
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    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 38-66 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The Chinese are still divided into two groups. One group is very left in its views, very vociferous, very active, very humourless, very narrow minded and forceful, and knows what it wants and intends to achieve its objects by fair means or foul, regardless of what the rest of the population may think. The other group is undoubtedly immensely larger, though one might be excused for not realising this, as it lacks cohesion and the people in it merely wish to be left alone to carry on their normal avocations. Since it has no strong feelings not only does this group not speak out, but in many cases it finds the line of least resistance is to support the other group when asked to do so.The 1962 Annual Report for the District of Kuching, The Sarawak Gazette, May 31, 1963.
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  • 32
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    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 96-127 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: On December 9, 1963, Singapore's Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew, in presenting a general policy statement of his government for the coming year to the Singapore Legislative Assembly, noted that in Singapore's Nanyang University “a situation is developing which if left unchecked will make it more a University of Yenan than of Nanyang,” and that “Indeed the problems of Nanyang can never be resolved until the political abuse the Communists make of it is exposed and stopped.” Lee's remarks, like his previous ones on the subject of Nanyang University, did not fail to touch on a raw nerve of the University's problems. But as in the past, the raising of the spectre of Yenan has tended to obscure the complex patterns of pride and prejudice and the dilemmas of educational policy confronting the Malaysian Chinese community and indeed the hua ch'iao (Overseas Chinese) of Southeast Asia generally, of which the University is but an expression. Nanyang University's problems today provide an index to the paradoxes and the conflicting appeals as a whole that stir the community whose interests it was originally designed to serve.
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  • 33
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 125-133 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The importance of examining the location of China's steel development is not confined solely to the steel industry. It reflects to a large extent, the Communist policy on industrial location in general. The new steel centres have been planned to form the nuclei of industrial complexes. To counteract the pre-Communist concentration of industry in the coastal areas, the Communist régime has emphasised from the beginning that a wide dispersion of industry is desirable from the standpoint of economic development and national defence. In planning new capital construction, therefore, regional development constitutes a key-note while sources of raw materials and fuel supply, consumption centres, future mechanisation of agriculture and national security become the major determinants of industrial locations. As a result of adherence to this policy, a new pattern has emerged for the location of China's steel industry.
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  • 34
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 134-150 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: At the beginning of the “Great Leap Forward” campaign of 1958, Mao Tse-tung declared the now much publicised “eight-character constitution of agriculture” for the technical transformation of agriculture. This “constitution” was essentially a condensed and more appealing version of the National Agricultural Development Programme for 1956–67, promulgated in 1956, which contains twelve important measures to improve agricultural production. The eight Chinese characters referred to are: shui, water conservation; fei, fertilisation; t'u, soil conservation; chung, seed selection; mi, dense planting; pao, plant protection; kung, tool improvement; and kuan, field management.
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  • 35
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 151-173 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Even though it is a truism, it is worth pointing out that with relatively little foreign trade and even less foreign aid, Communist China's economic growth must in the main result directly from the development of her indigenous resources. In her comparatively backward economy, most of those resources were to be found initially in two traditional sectors of production: in agriculture, and in various crafts and trades. Due to limited division of labour, these two traditional sectors were not separated sharply from each other, but overlapped in the person of the peasant-craftsman who was relatively common in the countryside.
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  • 36
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 174-191 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The development of the ideological controversy between Communist China and the Soviet Union in recent years has aroused increased interest in a more careful evaluation of Sino-Soviet economic relations. In this paper, I attempt to deal with one specific aspect of this broad area, that is the price problem in Sino-Soviet trade.
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  • 37
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 205-228 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The angry outbursts of Chinese intellectuals against the Chinese Communist Party at the time of the Hundred Flowers in 1956–57 revealed that China's intellectuals, even those who were oriented towards the left, were in conflict with many of the Party's practices. Actually, this tension between the Party and the intellectuals had been smouldering for a long time. It had come to the surface many years earlier during the Cheng Feng movement in Yenan in the early 1940s. At that time the Party, as it did later in the Hundred Flowers period, embarked on a drive “to rectify the style of work” of both Party members and intellectuals. One aspect of this drive was that the Party encouraged intellectuals and lower-rank cadres to speak out on the misuses of Party power.
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  • 38
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 258-260 
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  • 39
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 251-256 
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    Notes: The second National People's Congress of the Chinese People's Republic held its fourth session in Peking between November 17, and December 3, 1963. Altogether 1,012 deputies attended the session.
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  • 40
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 261-271 
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  • 41
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 257-258 
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  • 42
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 272-272 
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  • 43
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 3-37 
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    Notes: The thesis of this article is that Mao Tse-tung's materialistic dialectics has a definite place of its own in the realm of the Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist philosophy. Although it is undoubtedly consanguineous with the dialectics of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and the modern Russian and other Communist philosophy, it is also discernibly different. In addition, it is also somewhat related to the dialectics of classical Chinese philosophy. One demonstrable reason for all these relationships is that Mao Tsetung's readings in Marxian classics were not very extensive, possibly less extensive than his readings in Chinese classics. The rest of the differences and peculiarities came from his own thinking.
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 38-46 
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    Notes: The Chinese Communists have not hesitated to alter their Party documents—in effect rewriting history—when such changes have seemed desirable for political purposes. It is well known, for example, that the texts of various documents in Mao Tse-tung's Selected Works differ significantly from the originals. In this article we offer evidence suggesting that a fundamentally important Party document—On Contradiction (Mao-tun Lun)—was not written in the summer of 1937, as Party history asserts. Rather, it was composed at a much later date, copying the theses of Stalin and Zhdanov. By thus falsifying the date of composition, the Chinese Communists could bolster their covert assertion of Mao Tse-tung's primacy as a Marxist theoretician.
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 47-65 
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    Notes: There has been an impression among students of China that foreign trade data published by Peking are generally more reliable and accurate than its other statistics. This confidence is based on the following grounds. First, since the early years of the régime most foreign trade has been handled by a small number of state companies under the Foreign Trade Ministry. These companies are large in size and well organised, hence they must have respectable accounting and statistical systems. The exports and imports by private firms existing in the early 1950s were recorded by the customs office. Therefore, foreign trade turnovers for the period as a whole are relatively complete and free from serious errors. Secondly, since foreign trade always involves other countries as trading partners, which usually publish their trade statistics in great detail, it is unwise, if not impossible, for the Chinese authorities to falsify their own foreign trade statistics.
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 66-83 
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    Notes: The counterpoint of radical change and durable continuity which has characterised the Communist upheaval in China is nowhere so marked as in the ambivalent attitudes towards youth and age. Traditional China was a backward-looking civilisation, espousing a view of life and of history which esteemed past over present, age over youth, authority over innovation. The twentieth century has seen a definite, often violent, conflict between the generations, with the revolt of 1911, the May Fourth movement, and the Northern Expedition each expressing an aspect of the upsurge of youthful aspiration. The emergence of a Communist government has been marked by a drastic change in the official attitude, a new preoccupation with the future rather than the past, and sustained attention to the organisation of the youth of China, from which group will come the national leaders of the generation ahead.
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 84-98 
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    Notes: More than forty years have passed since Hu Shih and Ch'en Tu-hsiu wrote their polemics on literary reform and revolution. During this period many important so-called literary works have appeared, but they are more important as documents of social protest and political propaganda. We have yet to see anything which is important as literature in its own right. There have been many explanations for this literary paucity, and the most often repeated one is that of the political millstone around the writer's neck. This was one of the reasons Hu Shih gave.1 While it is true that political pressure accounts for most of this unhealthy literary phenomenon, I believe a more direct reason can be found in the fact that many critics have tried to make literature subservient to social and political interests.
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 99-119 
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    Notes: Until late in 1961, the leaders of the Indonesian Communist Party gave no public indication of the conflict within the international Communist movement. That they were aware of the worsening dispute is evident: for example, from 1958 to 1961, inclusive, they sent an average of five delegations to the Sino-Soviet bloc each year. But they chose to concentrate their energy on strengthening and guiding their own Party. This they had built into the largest Communist Party outside the bloc, with a membership at the end of 1961 of almost two millions, and with a network of mass organisations claiming over ten million members. After the Twenty-second Soviet Party Congress, however, the existence of conflict was public knowledge. D. N. Aidit, the Chairman of the Indonesian Communist Party, who had led his Party's delegation to the congress, felt compelled to explain the Party's position.
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 120-127 
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    Notes: What mild men revolutionaries are! That is the impression I jotted down after a talk late in March 1964 with Jacques Vergès, managing editor of the review Révolution. This periodical, No. 9 of which was published in May, is the best-produced and most effective publication of the pro-Chinese movement in France. Thanks to its English edition and forthcoming Spanish edition, the review's field of action stretches from France to Africa and even to the American continent. Révolution, with its articles contributed from all parts of the world, is looking more and more like a liaison journal for the groups and movements of the Maoist International now coming into existence.
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 128-160 
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    Notes: Within the short span of twelve years since their rise to power in 1949, the Chinese Communists have completely revamped their educational system. Private institutions of higher learning have been abolished and the number of universities vastly reduced; in their place hundreds of technical institutes have been created, with an unprecedented increase in enrolment and graduates. The faculties of various universities and colleges have been amalgamated in an effort to train more and more scientific and technical personnel. New types of instruction, known as “specialty” (spetsial'nost) and “specialisation” (spetsializatsiia), have been introduced to accelerate the training of industrial experts. Emphasis on science and technology has completely replaced the traditional respect for the humanities; the highest learned organisation in Communist China today is the Academy of Sciences, and not the Academy of Letters (Hanlin Yuan) of Imperial China. A Twelve-Year Science Programme was adopted in 1956 with the avowed objective of producing 10,500 top scientists and some two million technicians by 1967, and towards this end a new University of Science and Technology was established in 1958.
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 176-177 
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 161-173 
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    Notes: The Chinese and Russian Communists, as Marxist-Leninists, are fundamentally hostile towards religion, and are committed to its ultimate eradication. Although their attitudes towards religion are similar, their prescriptions for dealing with it are different. In essence, this difference arises from two divergent conceptions, one optimistic, the other pessimistic, regarding the progress of religion towards oblivion in a situation where the Communist Party has assumed leadership and where the “social” roots of religion have supposedly disappeared. The Chinese hold the optimistic view, a position which may be explained in part by the fact that institutional religion has traditionally been weak in China. I quote here C. K. Yang's description of institutional religion in China as it emerged in the modern period:As an organised body, modern institutional religion had a very small priesthood, divided into minute units of two or three priests each, largely unconnected with each other. It had barely enough financial resources for subsistence for this scanty personnel. It was deprived of the support of an organised laity. ... It did not participate in various organised aspects of community life such as charity, education, and the enforcement of moral discipline. There was no powerful centralised priesthood to dominate religious life or to direct operation of the secular social institutions.
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 177-178 
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 178-180 
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 181-201 
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 202-203 
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 1-4 
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 67-67 
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    Notes: On August 5, 1963, the State Department released a set of secret Chinese military papers, which is the most illuminating first-hand material that scholars have had on the Chinese Communists since the Hoover Institution acquired the Yenan Documents in the mid-forties.
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 3-54 
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    Notes: An interesting reconstruction and description of the Nanchang Uprising of August 1, 1927, which the Chinese Communist Party and the people on the Mainland now celebrate as Red Army Day, was given by Colonel Guillermaz in The China Quarterly, No. 11. As a footnote I present translations of four accounts by three participants—Li Li-san, Chang Kuo-t'ao and Chou I-ch'ün—all written within a few weeks of the smashing of the revolt on about October 1 near Swatow, together with four other nearly contemporary Communist items.
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 55-66 
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    Notes: The second half of 1927 is one of the most obscure periods in the history of the Chinese Communist Party. From a large and well-organised force openly playing a major role in the political and military affairs of the country, the Chinese Communist Party rapidly found itself reduced to a few small remnants fighting for their existence. As a result, the printed sources available for future historians were drastically reduced. The Communists cut their output of publications both for lack of the means to produce them, and because it was no longer prudent to reveal even as much about their plans as they had done before. The Nationalist authorities further decimated this scanty output by confiscation and repression. So much of what has been written about this period is based on verbal testimony or secondary sources, and cannot be regarded as altogether reliable.
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 68-78 
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    Notes: China's rulers in 1961 surveyed their shattered dreams and then, with studied self-confidence, hailed the vitality of their revolutionary “mass-line” credo. This resolute re-affirmation of standard principles had a hollow ring, however, and doubts about the “real methods of control” employed during the years of retreat and readjustment coincided with angry charges that the language of the “mass-line” disguised terror and brutality on an appalling scale. In the confusion, fact has until recently seemed entwined irretrievably with propaganda and invective, but now a unique collection of the Kung-tso T'ung-hsun (Bulletin of Activities) makes it possible to disentangle the contradictory methods of control and leadership used in 1961 and to evaluate their widely varied effects in that crucial year.
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 79-99 
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    Notes: Peking's pronouncements in the Sino-Soviet dispute have left the public with an image of a reckless and bellicose Chinese Communist régime. This image has been reinforced by the Soviet Union, which has exaggerated the Chinese statements and their significance to paint an over-simplified contrast between the supposed Chinese addiction to war and Soviet dedication to peace.
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 100-117 
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    Notes: China's “Everyone a Soldier” movement of Autumn 1958 represents on paper perhaps the most ambitious military enterprise in the history of mankind. Two hundred and twenty million men and women of a predominantly agricultural population were to be transformed into an “ocean of soldiers,” equipped and prepared to defend their homeland against the invader.
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 208-211 
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 212-214 
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 214-214 
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 201-207 
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    Notes: The Sino-Indian conversations that followed the border clashes of late 1959 were undertaken partly for the purpose of examining in detail the historical evidence with which both sides supported their border claims. It is always difficult, however, to use historical evidence to bolster claims to areas which have for centuries been removed from the main stream of human existence. The Aksai Chin, in the extreme north-east of Ladakh, upon which much of the negotiations centred, is such a region; a bleak uninhabited highland which in the past was visited only by the inhabitants of adjacent territories in quest of salt and by occasional hunters. In 1717, however, the Aksai Chin was traversed by the Tsungar invaders of Tibet and 233 years later it was used for the same purpose by the Chinese. The success of this second venture led to the construction of a major road link between Sinkiang and Tibet, the existence of which precipitated the hostilities of 1959 and the discussions of 1960.
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 215-215 
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 225-228 
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 192-204 
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    Notes: It is generally known that the exchange rates in Soviet-type economies are disequilibrium exchange rates in the sense that without controls they do not tend to lead to a balance on the international current accounts. Of the two economies involved, it is also known that these exchange rates are unrealistic, in the sense that they have no relation to the gold content of currencies involved, if the currencies have a gold content, and that these rates do not reflect the relative domestic purchasing power of the two currencies on internationally traded commodities. In the case of the exchange rate between the Soviet rouble and the Communist Chinese yuan, even this disequilibrium and unrealistic exchange rate has in the main been veiled in secrecy since 1950. This secrecy has caused considerable difficulties in working with the Communist foreign trade statistics.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 229-240 
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    Notes: In what light does the Communist Party wish to project itself to the people? Is the local party secretary presented as the remote symbol of authoritarian efficiency, a reflection of the absolute power above? Or is he supposed to be a model of the nutrient “helper,” responsive to the people's needs and governed by humanitarian considerations? The actual quality of these relationships is of course inaccessible for direct observation, but we can examine some of the Communist presentations of the image and expectations in officially approved literary publications.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 241-250 
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    Notes: The annual sessions of the National People's Congress have always been more like a national rally than the parliamentary institution outlined in its own constitution. The leaders meet a large selected group deemed to represent the nation, outline their picture of national and international affairs, describe their plans and hopes for the future and call on the citizens to rally to the flag. From the floor of the house deferential speeches assure the leaders that all sections of the nation agree with them and will obey their call with alacrity. For the student outside China the first consideration is of course not what is said but how much is published. Six or eight years ago he had to wade through reams of material to catch the general flavour and find the occasional grain of fact in drifts of formal and repetitive chaff. In 1962, and now again in 1963, the problem was very different. The published documents are very brief and many passages are so generalised and indeed abstract that only an initiate can be sure of their meaning. The student's task is to expand these generalities and to suggest their context and their real meaning.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 51-64 
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    Notes: Since the end of the Second World War, which brought the division of the country into northern and southern halves, North Korea has become a thoroughly orthodox Communist state with but few deviations from the Russian type. The “Marxist-Leninist line” has been followed with fidelity and enthusiasm in the field of economic planning and organisation as laid out in both the early Five-Year Plans of Soviet Russia and in the similar pattern of socialisation in Red China. What deviation exists is said to be characteristic of the transitional period in building Socialism or a “people's democracy,” where exploiting elements still exist, as contrasted with the Soviet Union, where it is claimed “Socialism” is a reality. The government so far has launched the two One-Year Plans of 1947 and 1948, the first Two-Year Plan of 1949–50 with emphasis on Soviet assistance, the Three-Year Plan of 1954–56, the first Five-Year Plan of 1957–61, and the Seven-Year Plan of 1961–67.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 125-140 
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    Notes: An examination of the educational objectives of North Korea and the system which implements these objectives reveals the true image of a country only dimly perceived since it disappeared behind the Bamboo Curtain after its liberation from the Japanese in 1945.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 178-194 
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    Notes: It is the aim of this paper to examine the Chinese Communist movement in 1930 and in particular the policies which bore the name of Li Li-san. The Li Li-san “line” was essentially an attempt to use the rural based Red Army to gain an urban base for the Communist revolution in China. As such it marked a transitional period between the emphasis on urban uprisings of earlier years and complete withdrawal to the countryside after this period. Similarly it was a transitional period in the relations between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Communist International (CI), moving from the complete direction of the CCP from Moscow to the relative seclusion of the CCP in the 1930s.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 218-239 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 240-241 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 244-249 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 250-253 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 259-260 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 263-265 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 260-263 
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 139-157 
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    Notes: Modern Chinese literature, which I date from the deliberate new beginnings made at the time of the May Fourth movement, is distinguished by its conscious effort at Europeanisation, which is in itself a catchall term embracing a whole assembly of themes and techniques, images and linguistic features taken and adopted from the vast literature beyond the seas and vaguely and often incorrectly designated as European. To be European was in fact simply to be non-traditional Chinese.
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  • 86
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 180-194 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Speaking in a very general way, youth and age have been taken in traditional Chinese literature as two stages in a continuous development of which the first represents the preparation and the last the goal. Respective values attached to these stages were derived from this concept. In a civilisation where literature, even polite literature, was to a large extent an amateurish pursuit of the scholar-official, this evaluation does not come as a surprise, particularly since it will not be easy to find another civilisation which was as strongly ideology-motivated as was the Chinese. Established attitudes concerning youth and age were thus, in general, accepted and taken for granted also by the poet.
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  • 87
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 195-211 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: In less than a decade, collectivisation has come to more than five hundred million Chinese peasants and a large portion of the urban population; it has transformed the socio-economic structure of the nation, causing general repercussions around the world and unascertainable effects in the country. The development of this massive and significant collectivisation movement is reflected, in large measure, in Chinese Communist literature. This article first presents, following a general chronological order, fictional materials reflecting the co-operative and commune movements, and then discusses summarily the artistic and social values of this literature.
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  • 88
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 263-263 
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  • 89
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 1-2 
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  • 90
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 3-14 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: “Where ideology restricts, art frees ...”: the opening section of T. A. Hsia's paper provides an eloquent statement of a fundamental distinction, a distinction which is at the centre of a dilemma. How is a group of men whose inclinations and commitments are to literature as art to approach a literature which is ideological in inspiration and intent? For this, we agreed, is a fair statement of the nature of Chinese Communist literature. It is more than a matter of guidance, or direction or control. It is not at all to be taken for granted that control is disastrous for literature. Great works of literature emerged in the past from under the control of despotic monarchs and authoritarian religions. Dante did not necessarily understand the authority of the Church to impose some kind of fetter on his work; it was a measure of restricted freedom that Chinese writers of the past knew and felt at home in. Great literature endures, as Mao Tun maintains, “not because literature is independent of politics but because it serves in a way much more profound than can be assessed at the moment.”
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  • 91
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 92-112 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The purpose of this article is to show what Communist literary dictatorship has done to some of the writers, who, though not literary giants, had in the past shown some promise in the art of letters.
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  • 92
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 74-91 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: What pessimistic observers have lamented as the collapse of Chinese civilisation is exactly the necessary undermining and erosion without which there could not have been a regeneration of an old civilisation.... The product of this rebirth looks suspiciously occidental. But scratch the surface and you will find that the stuff of which it is made is essentially the Chinese bedrock which much weathering and corrosion have only made stand out more clearly—the humanistic and rationalistic China resurrected by the touch of the scientific and democratic civilisation of the new world.
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  • 93
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 113-138 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: A reader in the United States of America or Great Britain may have great misgivings when he opens a book of fiction from Communist China. He is painfully aware of the conditions under which the book is written. He knows that thought control in Communist China means not only a set of taboos but also a strict order to write about certain subjects in a certain manner. With little effort he can guess the plot which rushes on to actual victory or victory imagined. And there is the other side to the “struggle,” which is always wrong and bad and doomed. He knows what characters he is going to encounter: the familiar ugly face of a landlord, the aspiring workers, peasants, and intellectuals who unite to follow the leadership of the Communist Party, and the waverers who somehow have to make a choice between the good and the evil—shadows of the types which, he remembers, dominated proletarian literature in the 1930s. Oversimplification is always an insult to intellect; and the insult becomes all the more unbearable if things are simplified not merely because of the writer's ignorance but, as the reader suspects, from an intention to deceive. Of course, the reader does not have to suffer all this if he can help it. But the book in his hand may be useful as source material for some kind of research, a social document or a storehouse of Communist jargon. So in the name of research, he doggedly reads on, with little expectation of pleasure or stimulus for thought. He is prepared to be insulted and to be bored to death.
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  • 94
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 158-179 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: In Chinese Communist literature, men and women are primarily seen in their likeness as workers rather than in their sexual and emotional unlikeness as human beings. Women, as much as men, are praised for their socialist zeal and heroic capacity for work and condemned for being socialist sluggards indifferent to production. But despite its repudiation of “human interest” as a symptom of capitalist or revisionist decadence, even this supremely practical literature cannot begin to exist without some superficial attention to personal problems, and these problems, inevitably, attest to the persistence of biological instincts and immemorial habits of human civilisation. Until the techniques, Communist or otherwise, for dehumanisation are perfected, men and women will remain subject to irrational passions, and if circumstances permit, they will fall in love, get married, bring up children, and in other devious ways contrive for pleasure and happiness. In tracing the lot of Chinese women under Communism, I will therefore take for granted that the primary purpose of their earthly existence is to contribute to and assist in production and examine rather their residual personal problems in the context of the overriding importance of socialist construction. The results of niy investigation, if my women characters, drawn invariably from short stories, are at all typical, will show, not surprisingly, the pathetic adjustment of their feminine instincts and interests to the jealous demands of Party and state. The exceptions that I will take notice of—sympathetic victims and challengers of the impersonal Communist bureaucracy—are all heroines of revisionist fiction that has been subject to vehement attack by the press.
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  • 95
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 226-253 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: In 1962, commemorative activities were held in Communist China to celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the publication of Mao's Talks at the Yenan Forum on Literature and Art. In the same year, a group of scholars and writers working in America and Britain gathered near Oxford to ponder over Chinese Communist literature. Though the coincidence was not intentional, it did force on one's mind a disturbing sense of history. For no review of Chinese Communist literature, from our point of view or theirs, can escape the fact of control, and the control began with Mao's Talks. The success of the control, of course, is something to be celebrated in Communist China, but the defects in the Chinese Communist writing, noted at the conference in England, indicate the costs paid for that success. For these defects are made to order. It is beyond the power of any single writer in Communist China to correct them. He is bound to contribute to the collective errors if he wishes to avoid a political offence.
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  • 96
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 15-38 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Poetry and politics are rare companions in the competitive world of practical affairs today. In Moscow, Nikita Khrushchev, with peasant shrewdness, is addicted to Russian proverbs to enliven his rhetoric; but there are few indications that he is sympathetic with the creative writer and none that he himself will rank with Pushkin in the annals of his nation's literature. In Washington, the appearance of Robert Frost at John F. Kennedy's inauguration in January 1961 was an event at once exceptional and gratifying to admirers of Frost's artistic integrity; the elderly poet's advice to the young president of the United States to stress the Irish and underplay the Harvard hi his background may yet have enduring significance. Only in Peking, however, do we find a world leader who combines distinctive political abilities and literary talents. Indeed the juxtaposition of strategic and artistic instincts hi Mao Tse-tung is so unusual in the post-Churchillian world that the case merits more than passing note.
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  • 97
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 60-73 
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    Notes: Early in 1957, an event perhaps unparalleled in the world of letters was reported from China. A new monthly magazine, Shih-k'an (Poetry), made its appearance in February of that year, its inaugural issue including a collection of eighteen poems by Mao Tse-tung. The appearance of Mao's poetry was not in itself an exceptional event. From ancient times down to recent decades, Chinese statesmen and military leaders have often displayed talent in the writing of poetry; and it appeared that Mao Tse-tung was carrying on the established tradition of a long line of strong rulers in China who desired to impress the world that they were not only victorious conquerors and vigorous administrators, but also accomplished artists.
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  • 98
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 1-3 
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  • 99
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 39-59 
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    Notes: Commenting on literature as a human record, Goethe once called it “The fragment of fragments: The smallest part of what has been done and spoken has been recorded; and the smallest part of what has been recorded has survived.” I find this observation a very sobering and instructive reminder for a discussion of Chinese poetry under Communist rule. Goethe was speaking of literature in general. And poetry, formally at least, being but one of its branches, is by deduction a fragment of “the fragment of fragments.” Over a decade many things have been accomplished under the régime. Many deeds have been done, immense work of material reconstruction has been completed, and more is in process, on the débris of destruction of comparable quantity; and unfathomable tribulations, pains and frustrations in soul and body are felt and muttered, as well as the hue and cry of zeal and enthusiasm exclaimed among massive crowds.
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  • 100
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 65-81 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: In a speech delivered at the rally commemorating the fifteenth anniversary of the liberation of Korea, the North Korean Premier announced that the peasants in North Korea were now the owners of large-scale collectivised farms and that they had the firm technical foundation for bumper crops every year without strenuous efforts. He declared: “This is the beginning of a world for our farm villages.” Another spokesman of the North Korean regime has stated: “It is easy (or good) to work and enjoyable to live in the co-operativised North Korean farms. There is a bumper crop every year in the constantly changing collectivised fields and the peasants' work and living are literally song and dances.”
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