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  • Cambridge University Press  (16,425)
  • American Chemical Society (ACS)
  • PANGAEA
  • 1985-1989  (13,813)
  • 1960-1964  (3,825)
  • 1950-1954  (1,822)
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  • 1
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3Alfred Wegener Institute, Bremerhaven., Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
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  • 2
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3WOCE., Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
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  • 3
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3Universität Hamburg., Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
    Type: PANGAEA Documentation , notRev
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  • 4
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-02-05
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
    Type: PANGAEA Documentation , notRev
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  • 5
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3DSDP (1989): Data from the Deep Sea Drilling Project. Sediment, hard rock and reference files, National Geophysical Data Center, National Environmental Satellite, Data and Information Service, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Departme, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
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  • 6
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3DSDP (1989): Data from the Deep Sea Drilling Project. Sediment, hard rock and reference files, National Geophysical Data Center, National Environmental Satellite, Data and Information Service, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Departme, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
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  • 7
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3DSDP (1989): Data from the Deep Sea Drilling Project. Sediment, hard rock and reference files, National Geophysical Data Center, National Environmental Satellite, Data and Information Service, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Departme, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
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  • 8
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3DSDP (1989): Data from the Deep Sea Drilling Project. Sediment, hard rock and reference files, National Geophysical Data Center, National Environmental Satellite, Data and Information Service, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Departme, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
    Type: PANGAEA Documentation , notRev
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  • 9
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3Abschlußbericht DFG-Projekt Sp296/1., Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-16
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
    Type: PANGAEA Documentation , notRev
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  • 10
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3AWI/Polarstern, cruise report ANT-VIII/3., Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-16
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
    Type: PANGAEA Documentation , notRev
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  • 11
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3WOCE., Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
    Type: PANGAEA Documentation , notRev
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  • 12
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3WOCE., Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
    Type: PANGAEA Documentation , notRev
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  • 13
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3Diploma Thesis, Institut und Museum für Geologie und Paläontologie der Georg-August-Universität zu Göttingen, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA, 126 p.
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
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  • 14
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3DSDP (1989): Data from the Deep Sea Drilling Project. Sediment, hard rock and reference files, National Geophysical Data Center, National Environmental Satellite, Data and Information Service, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Departme, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
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  • 15
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3DSDP (1989): Data from the Deep Sea Drilling Project. Sediment, hard rock and reference files, National Geophysical Data Center, National Environmental Satellite, Data and Information Service, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Departme, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
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  • 16
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3DSDP (1989): Data from the Deep Sea Drilling Project. Sediment, hard rock and reference files, National Geophysical Data Center, National Environmental Satellite, Data and Information Service, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Departme, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
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  • 17
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3DSDP (1989): Data from the Deep Sea Drilling Project. Sediment, hard rock and reference files, National Geophysical Data Center, National Environmental Satellite, Data and Information Service, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Departme, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
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  • 18
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3DSDP (1989): Data from the Deep Sea Drilling Project. Sediment, hard rock and reference files, National Geophysical Data Center, National Environmental Satellite, Data and Information Service, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Departme, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
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  • 19
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3DSDP (1989): Data from the Deep Sea Drilling Project. Sediment, hard rock and reference files, National Geophysical Data Center, National Environmental Satellite, Data and Information Service, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Departme, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
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  • 20
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3DSDP (1989): Data from the Deep Sea Drilling Project. Sediment, hard rock and reference files, National Geophysical Data Center, National Environmental Satellite, Data and Information Service, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Departme, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
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  • 21
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3DSDP (1989): Data from the Deep Sea Drilling Project. Sediment, hard rock and reference files, National Geophysical Data Center, National Environmental Satellite, Data and Information Service, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Departme, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
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  • 22
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3Efficiancy of phospholipid analysis in determining microbial biomass in sediments. Applied and Environmental Microbiology, 55, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA, 2888, 2 p.
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
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  • 23
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3Canadian Technical Report of Hydrography and Ocean Sciences, 118, I-IV, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA, pp. 1-112
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
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  • 24
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3DSDP (1989): Data from the Deep Sea Drilling Project. Sediment, hard rock and reference files, National Geophysical Data Center, National Environmental Satellite, Data and Information Service, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Departme, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
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  • 25
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3DSDP (1989): Data from the Deep Sea Drilling Project. Sediment, hard rock and reference files, National Geophysical Data Center, National Environmental Satellite, Data and Information Service, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Departme, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
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  • 26
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3DSDP (1989): Data from the Deep Sea Drilling Project. Sediment, hard rock and reference files, National Geophysical Data Center, National Environmental Satellite, Data and Information Service, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Departme, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
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  • 27
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3DSDP (1989): Data from the Deep Sea Drilling Project. Sediment, hard rock and reference files, National Geophysical Data Center, National Environmental Satellite, Data and Information Service, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Departme, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
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  • 28
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3Spectral Mapping Project (Mapping Species Variability in Global Climate) (SPECMAP)., Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
    Repository Name: EPIC Alfred Wegener Institut
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  • 29
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3Institute of Oceanographic Sciences Deacon Laboratory, Cruise Report, No. 205, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA, 34 p.
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
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  • 30
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    PANGAEA
    In:  EPIC3DSDP (1989): Data from the Deep Sea Drilling Project. Sediment, hard rock and reference files, National Geophysical Data Center, National Environmental Satellite, Data and Information Service, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Departme, Bremerhaven, PANGAEA
    Publication Date: 2019-07-17
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  • 31
    Electronic Resource
    Electronic Resource
    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 79-90 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
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  • 32
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 91-97 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
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  • 33
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 797-813 
    ISSN: 0026-749X
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: The subject of this paper is the fate of progressive taxation in South Asia. This is a subject about which Kingsley Martin himself would have had mixed feelings. On the one hand, he strongly advocated a redistributive fiscal strategy. On the other hand, he was never at all comfortable examining the kind of economic analysis with which it is usually justified. Somewhat unfairly, he distrusted all orthodox economists on moral grounds (Martin, 1966: 34). Moreover, his prolonged encounter with the unorthodox economics of Maynard Keynes was equally unsatisfactory as an educational experience. Lord Boothby summed up Martin's efforts to learn the technicalities of economics from Keynes as follows: ‘Kingsley simply never understood economics and yet he was always trying to understand. “Explain it to me, then” he would say, but his attention soon wandered’ (Rolph, 1973: 195).
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  • 34
    Electronic Resource
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 1-2 
    ISSN: 0026-749X
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
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  • 35
    Electronic Resource
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 459-492 
    ISSN: 0026-749X
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Recently, we have come to see that the perceptions which we had of the decay and destruction of India in the eighteenth century were more than anything else a product of British writing which sought consciously or unconsciously to magnify and color the changes which took place in the eighteenth century to enhance the magnitude of their own ‘achievements’ from then onwards. ‘achievements’ from then onwards. Secondly, we have come to see the interaction of British desires for political security on the one hand and a steady income from land and other taxes as producing a situation first of depression in the first half of the nineteenth century and later of gradual underdevelopment at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth. It is therefore possible now to understand the unwillingness of the British administration in India to engage in any large-scale developmental activity which would upset the political balance which the British had established early in their relationship with landed and mercantile groups in the area. In this essay, I should like to address the connection between British support for landed groups in the agrarian area outside of Madras on the one hand and the colonial ‘discovery’ and reinforcement of traditions on the other, to understand both the nature of colonial control strategies and the genesis of Indian revivalism.
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  • 36
    Electronic Resource
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 1-11 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
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  • 37
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 1-2 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
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  • 38
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 121-166 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: John Stuart Mill provides a classic defense of individual and group rights to liberty with respect to purely private or self-regarding matters:The only part of the conduct of any one, for which he is amenable to society, is that which concerns others. In the part which merely concerns himself ... directly, and in the first instance, ... his independence is, of right, absolute.... From this liberty of each individual, follows the liberty, within the same limits, of combination among individuals; freedom to unite, for any purpose not involving harm to others: the persons combining being supposed to be of full age, and not forced or deceived. (1859, pp. 224–26)
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  • 39
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 167-188 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: Economic approaches to both social evaluation and decision-making are typically Paretian or utilitarian in nature and so display commitments to both welfarism and consequentialism. The contrast between the economic approach and any rights-based social philosophy has spawned a large literature that may be divided into two branches. The first is concerned with the compatibility of rights and utilitarianism (or Pare-tianism) seen as independent moral forces (e.g., the debate on the possibility of a Paretian liberal). This branch of the literature may be characterized as an example of the broader debate between the teleological and deontological approaches. The second is concerned with the possibility that substantial rights may be grounded in utilitarianism (or Pare-tianism) with the moral force of rights being derived from more basic commitments to welfarism and consequentialism. This branch of the literature may be characterized as an exploration of the flexibility of the teleological approach, and, in particular, its ability to give rise to views more normally associated with the deontological approach. This essay is concerned with the second branch of the literature.
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  • 40
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 209-234 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: In a recent article in this journal, D. Wade Hands (1987) reviewed Charles Taylor's two-volume work, Philosophical Papers (1985). Hands predicts that Taylor's work will have no impact on the philosophy of economics. This may indeed turn out to be the case; but if so, it will only be because the profession is not listening. Of course, it is typical of the profession to be more interested in exporting its product than in learning from other disciplines. This is exemplified in Hands's use of the term “philosophy of economics” – philosophy is the handmaiden of the highly successful enterprise of economics. But this journal is called Economics and Philosophy, which means that a conversation requiring an openness and attentiveness is called for between economics and philosophy.
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  • 41
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 189-208 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: One of the fundamental components of the concept of economic rationality is that preference orderings are “complete,” i.e., that all alternative actions an economic agent can take are comparable (Arrow, 1951; De-breu, 1959). The idea that all actions can be ranked may be called the single utility assumption. The attractiveness of this assumption is considerable. It would be hard to fathom what choice among alternatives means if the available alternatives cannot be ranked by the chooser in some way. In addition, the efficiency criterion makes sense only if one can infer that an individual's choice reflects the best, in expected welfare terms, among all choices that individual could have made (Sen, 1982a). The possibility that a rearrangement of resources could make someone “better off” without making others “worse off” can be understood only if the post-rearrangement world is comparable with the pre-rearrange-ment world.
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  • 42
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 235-253 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: Parfit's requirements for an ideal Theory X cannot be fully met since the Mere Addition Principle and Non-Antiegalitarianism imply the Repugnant Conclusion: Theory X does not exist. However, since the Repugnant Conclusion is really compelling, the Impersonal Total Principle should be adopted for impartial comparisons concerning future generations. Nevertheless, where our own interests are affected, we may yet choose to be partial, trading off our concern for future (or others') goodness with our self-interests. Theory X' (maximization of number-dampened total utility) meets all Parfit's requirements except the Mere Addition Principle in less compelling cases.
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  • 43
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 1-4 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
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  • 44
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 1-2 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
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  • 45
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 255-261 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
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  • 46
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 1-6 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
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  • 47
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 7-18 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: Should social preferences conform to the principles of rationality we normally expect of individuals? Should they, for instance, conform to the consistency axioms of expected utility theory? This article considers one fragment of this question.
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  • 48
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 19-32 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: A recent paper by David Levy (1987) focuses on “utility enhancing consumption constraints.” Levy concludes by noting that his analysis stays within standard utility maximizing theory, in contrast to my analysis of rule-governed behavior (Heiner, 1983, 1985a, 1985b, 1986, 1988a, 1988b, 1988c) which allows imperfect decisions that don't always maximize utility. I wish to show how our two theories can be integrated, thereby representing complementary, rather than conflicting, explanations. In the process, I argue that imperfect decisions are an essential factor in the stability of any rule that constrains freedom of choice. I also briefly discuss certain intrinsic problems with achieving “self-stabilizing” rules applied to moral teachings.
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  • 49
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 47-54 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: Basic liberty, according to Rawls's first principle of justice, is not to be sacrificed for other values such as wealth. And, according to his second principle of justice, the material well-being of the worst-off members of society is not to be sacrificed to benefit better-off members of society. These trade-offs would be unjust, according to Rawls, no matter how small the sacrifice or how large the offsetting benefit. A decision-maker conforming to Rawls's theory, who is unwilling to sacrifice some values in favor of others, has lexical preferences. Lexical preferences, however, are not encountered in studies of consumer demand for market goods. Since goods trade off within the range of choices studied in demand theory, it seems to economists that political values ought to trade off as well.
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  • 50
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    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 33-46 
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    Notes: The social discount rate – the rate at which future benefit flows from government investment are discounted to present value – has been a frequent subject of technical debate among professional economists. From a broader perspective, however, the selection of an appropriate rate enjoins consideration of questions that define the very contours of our public philosophy. It carries implicit assumptions about the nature of citizenship, the relation between public and private spheres, and, most singularly, the status of a political society as it is located in time. A key determinant of intertemporal economic allocation, the social discount rate provides a unique registry of a polity's historical consciousness and perceptions of its intergenerational obligations. Yet the highly technical nature of the debate over the discount rate has proven inhospitable to scholars otherwise inclined to investigate its ethical dimensions. Some, notably A. K. Sen, have begun to address these philosophical issues, though much territory remains to be explored.
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    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 69-78 
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 625-643 
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    Notes: The purpose of this paper is to supplement existing knowledge of British and Asian ‘country’ trade to selected parts of Southeast Asia by drawing upon British private papers and the records of Fort St George, Madras. The 1680s marked the peak of international trade in Siamunder king Narai before the wars and revolution there of 1687–88. The decade also saw the elimination of the last great independent entrepot, Banten, on the Java Sea in 1682, as well as the final, ultimately-futile, Dutch efforts to control the Malayan tin-trade north of Perak. The Dutch also began in 1685 and 1689 their intermittent attempts to monopolize key commodities in the Johor–Riau–Lingga sultánate at the southern end of Malacca Strait. In one sense, given Dutch success or at least pretensions, the region from Pegu and Tenasserim–Mergui through certain Malay ports and Aceh to Ayudhya and Tongking constituted what might loosely be called the free-trade zone of maritime Southeast Asia. It was also one in which, with the exception of Perak after 1745, the indigenous monarchies retained complete or extensive independence from European supervision. Into this zone, with occasional ventures to the smaller Indonesian ports, British country traders sailed for over a century, from Bowrey and Dampier in the 1680s to Light and Scott in the 1770s. What were the principal features of the markets they frequented?
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 1-13 
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 671-703 
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    Notes: What was it like to be a French Consul in newly opened up China of the 1850s? What sort of people served in that risky yet challenging job in an exotic, yet remote and isolated place like mid-nineteenth-century China? How did they discharge their duties both vis-à-vis the puzzled Chinese who did not quite know how to handle the ‘Western Devils’ who thrust themselves into the Middle Kingdom, and their Western colleagues who, like them, were scrambling for Chinese concessions and for commercial and diplomatic rights for their countries, in pursuance of ever-elusive gains in prestige and diplomacy? What kind of matters did they deal with, what were they concerned with, and how well did they perform their consular duties? Under what bureaucratic and hierarchical constraints, both French and Chinese, did they operate? What was their personal contribution to advancing the cause they were delegated to promote?
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 493-523 
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    Notes: The debate over the separate and joint electorates as rival modes of election to the various representative institutions by the British began with the Simla deputation of 1906 and remained controversial until 1947. Not only was the issue controversial in pre-Independent India, but it also raises debates among contemporary historians and political scientists. For John Gallagher, the Communal Award was nothing but ‘a sign of [the] determination [of the British Government] to warp the Indian question towards electoral politics’. While looking into the operational aspect of the Award, Anil Seal, too, has affirmed that ‘by extending the electorate, the imperial croupier had summoned more players to his table’. Looking at the Award from the British point of view, both of them thus arrived at the same conclusions: (a) the Award introduced the native politicians to the sophisticated world of parliamentary politics; and (b) as a result of the new arrangement, as stipulated in the 1935 Act, politics now percolated down to the localities. The available evidence, however, does reveal that the Award and the constitutional rights guaranteed to Indians under the Act were the price the British paid for the continuity of the Indian Empire. What thus appears to be a calculated generous gesture was very much a political expedient. The surrender of power into Indian hands, though at the regional levels, was not welcomed by some senior officers who saw an eclipse of British authority in this endeavour.
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 619-622 
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 259-276 
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    Notes: AbstractBeing the concluding part of the study on the Chinese in the nineteenth-century Straits Settlements, the inquiry has a twofold aim: to construct a social alignment pattern of the Chinese in Penang, and to compare the pattern with those in Singapore and Malacca. Altogether 14,500 names of donors from epigraphic sources were processed.The Penang Chinese exhibited a rather unique social alignment pattern in that the Hokkiens had been very active in a number of community oriented associations. Cases of cross-dialect-group participation were few, as compared to the other two settlements, for the various dialect groups in Penang, particularly the Hokkiens, were largely attracted to the inter-provincial associations. This was a unique social alignment pattern.The findings from Penang, together with those in Singapore and Malacca were used to reconstruct an unidimensional scale for measuring the system rigidity of Chinese voluntary associations.
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 349-371 
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    Notes: Things were not right in the Kantō region during the early nineteenth century. In his memoirs, Mastsudaira Sadanobu, architect of the Kansei Reforms, lamented the sorry state of the villages in Edo's hinterland:Much land throughout the Kantō is going to waste for want of cultivators. All the people of some villages have left for Edo, leaving only the headman behind. ... Many Kantō villagers are suffering great hardship. Babies are killed, the population has declined, and land has gone to waste.
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 415-416 
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 1-2 
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 1-3 
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 25-47 
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    Notes: In significant contrast with Indonesian writing there is in Malay literature a body of work concerned with rural life. That this is the case suggests the degree to which Malay writers even today have their roots in the agricultural cycle of peasant experience. Those who now work in clerical jobs, in publishing, in journalism, in teaching, those in fact who make up the writers of the novels, however divorced and remote their present life-styles and occupations are from their origins, still look back to the village as the world of their formative experience. It is a world with which they are intimate and familiar, a source of spiritual reassurance, of values which they may not endorse, but which they understand fully, in opposition to the alien environment of the modern city where the totality of life is fragmented into exclusive and contradictory domains of experience. And it is precisely because the writers are not so removed from rural life in space and time, that when they do cast a glance backwards they are never tempted to review that life through the distorting lens of nostalgia. On the contrary, there is the realistic acknowledgement that their own moving away from the village has also been an escape. There is, therefore, ambivalence: the village is perceived as the repository of Malay culture, the locus of traditional values, yet at the same time it is a locus of ignorance, frustration and poverty, somewhere to return for spiritual regeneration, but never again for permanent residence.
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 1-5 
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 209-231 
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    Notes: My choice of subject for this lecture arose from what I think might have been a matter of some interest to Kingsley Martin; as also from my own concern that the interplay between the past and contemporary times requires a continuing dialogue between historians working on these periods. Such a dialogue is perhaps more pertinent to post-colonial societies where the colonial experience changed the framework of the comprehension of the past from what had existed earlier: a disjuncture which is of more than mere historiographical interest. And where political ideologies appropriate this comprehension and seek justification from the pre-colonial past, there, the historian's comment on this process is called for. Among the more visible strands in the political ideology of contemporary India is the growth and acceptance of what are called communal ideologies. ‘Communal’, as many in this audience are aware, in the Indian context has a specific meaning and primarily perceives Indian society as constituted of a number of religious communities. Communalism in the Indian sense therefore is a consciousness which draws on a supposed religious identity and uses this as the basis for an ideology. It then demands political allegiance to a religious community and supports a programme of political action designed to further the interests of that religious community. Such an ideology is of recent origin but uses history to justify the notion that the community (as defined in recent history) and therefore the communal identity have existed since the early past.
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 411-415 
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 373-410 
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    Notes: An outstanding feature of the far-reaching plans for development which China has been earnestly promoting under the general rubric of the ‘four modernizations’ is the post-Mao leadership's determined effort to revive and thoroughly institutionalize a meaningful and formal legal system. There is an obvious and sharp distinction between the policies towards law pursued during the period between the mid-1950s and the mid-1970s and the more recent attempts to fashion a pivotal role for law in Chinese society. Throughout much of the course of socialist rule China's leaders have been concerned not with promoting effective legal institutions but, rather, with the direct insertion of extrinsic political norms and values into the law. During the Cultural Revolution many important legal structures ceased to function. In contrast, in the years since 1978 an important aspect of the rigorous political reaction to the uncertainty and conflict of the Cultural Revolution has been unequivocal support for the establishment of a sound legal system. The leadership now believes that systematic and regulated law-making, public awareness of the law, and proper application of the rules should be integral elements in the administration of justice in the PRC. The hope is that this approach will prevent the recurrence of arbitrary political rule, curb reliance on ‘connections’ or guanxi in bureaucratic conduct, promote economic growth and generally encourage the development of a more predictable and orderly social life.
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 49-71 
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    Notes: British Malaya was a very unhealthy place in the early years of this century. Malaria, ankylostomiasis or hookworm, venereal disease, tuberculosis, dysentery, pneumonia, beri-beri, cholera and still other diseases accounted for thousands of deaths annually in the 1920s. Typically, persons suffered from two or more maladies at the same time. In the Federated Malay States (F. M. S.) probably more than half of those listed as dying from malaria also suffered from hookworm. Many pneumonia deaths were due to tuberculosis. Chronic malnutrition combined with malaria, hookworm and diarrhea in many, perhaps most, pregnant women to produce high infant and maternal mortality. The majority of the living were more or less continuously afflicted with disease. Most of the diseases were debilitating and slow to kill. Most were preventable although that was imperfectly understood.
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 73-116 
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    Notes: Japan's involvement as a donor of Official Development Assistance (ODA) can be traced back, historically, to post-second world war arrangements for war damage reparations. At that time, the late 1940s, early 1950s, Japan was itself a low-income country, whose industries had suffered widespread dislocation and ruin due to war. Yet, the new post-war Japanese government, eager to work its way back into the comity of nations, undertook to make reparation for the destruction of economic assets in the territories that had been fought over. The reparations agreements concluded in the 1950s involved many of the developing countries on the Asia/Pacific Rim—reflecting the pattern of wartime conquest—some of them independent, others still under European colonial rule. Thailand and the People's Republic of China were excluded from reparations, the former due to its wartime co-belligerent status, the latter since it was unrecognized by Japan, ironically in view of their subsequent emergence as the largest recipients of Japanese bilateral ODA by the 1980s. In the event, by the time Japanese reparations had become available, reconstruction assistance had already begun to give way to post-reconstruction support for public sector economic growth. A greater part of these reparations consisted of deliveries of Japanese capital goods and equipment, e.g., cargo ships, through transfer mechanisms designed to match Japan's re-emergent industrial export capabilities with the import requirements of Southeast Asian economic development.By way of contrast with the contemporary Western orientation in development assistance to Asia, driven by a 'Big Push' syndrome towards relatively large-scale infrastructure projects through such mechanisms as the Colombo Plan, the Japanese experience with reparations provided from the outset a closer strategic integration between Japan's international donor obligations, on the one hand, and its export strategy and dynamic competitive advantages in international trade, on the other.
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 233-257 
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    Notes: This paper examines the arguments whereby the Brahman priests of a Hindu temple in the town of Kalugumalai, South India, claim exclusive rights to perform worship in that shrine. For comparison, it also deals briefly with the priests of a much larger temple in the nearby city of Madurai, whose arguments partly contradict those used in Kalugumalai. This discrepancy will be explained by treating both sets of arguments as strategic statements, which legitimize the self-interests of their respective protagonists.
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 277-312 
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    Notes: In recent years there has been much evidence of an increasing trend towards the individualization of economic and social relations in Javanese village communities. The Green Revolution has been depicted as the main cause of the acceleration of this process in the present. Observations abound on labour-saving devices in rice cultivation, on the monetarization of wages and agrarian inputs, and on the commercial sale of yields (Aass 1986; Hart 1986; Hüsken 1984; Maurer 1984, 1986; Schweizer 1987, forthcoming). The roots of these monetary and commercial developments in the Javanese village economy reach far back into the past (Breman 1983; Carey 1986; Elson 1984; Knight 1982; Svensson 1983). But in the present these changes gain pace. There is evidence, too, that in the field of political relations the diffuse patron-client ties between village officials and the inhabitants in some places yield to a more rationalized, selfish style of leadership (Keeler 1985).
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 1-2 
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 313-347 
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    Notes: In the wake of their rapid advance into Southeast Asia after 8 December 1941, the Japanese began to implement a new monetary policy in the region to replace the long-established Western financial order that was being swept away. The purpose of this article is to discuss aspects of this monetary policy, in particular how it was carried out in regards to Thailand during the first year of the war, the period during which Thai–Japan wartime relations became established. In the wake of their rapid advance into Southeast Asia after 8 December 1941, the Japanese began to implement a new monetary policy in the region to replace the long-established Western financial order that was being swept away. The purpose of this article is to discuss aspects of this monetary policy, in particular how it was carried out in regards to Thailand during the first year of the war, the period during which Thai-Japan wartime relations became established. With the outbreak of war the most urgent need of the Japanese in their relations with Thailand was to convert that country into a suitable rear area for their campaign in Malaya and for the one upcoming against Burma. To this end the Japanese and Thai governments signedon 8 December an agreement permitting Japanese forces to pass through Thai territory to attack Malaya; but equally important the agreement also stipulated that Thailand would afford the Japanese forces all necessary convenience for their passage through Thailand. This stipulation was the key that opened the way for the Japanese to pursue their plans towards Thailand. By passage, of course, the Japanese did not simply mean the travel of their army through Thai territory to attack Malaya and later Burma (although superficially this is what was implied).
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 1-24 
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    Notes: The time appears due for a reappraisal of the economic argument in the imperialism debate. For decades the standard procedure has been first to refute Hobson and Lenin on empirical grounds and then to present a non-economic explanation for the European overseas expansion during the era of modern imperialism (1870–1914). Presently a new paradigm is gaining acceptance. It is an approach which puts the emphasis solidly back on the economic side but without its Marxist connotations. Cain and Hopkins took the lead with their theory of ‘gentlemanly capitalism’; they link the landed South and City finance with Imperial policy thus explaining overseas expansion by referring to macroeconomic changes at home. Davis and Huttenback associate the profitability of Empire investments with their ‘two-England hypothesis’ for British business: London investors stood apart, profited more and exerted a greater influence. It is my intention to show that a similar type of non-Marxist economic argument applies also to the case of Dutch expansion in the Indonesian archipelago at the time of modern imperialism.
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 117-149 
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    Notes: The completion in 1986 of the Documents diplomatiques français, 1932–1939 permits a review of French Far Eastern policy during that troubled time characterized by J.-B. Duroselle as ‘la décadence.’ This massive documentary collection, however, still dose not provide a full picture of the forces which shaped French East Asian policy in the years before the outbreak of the Pacific War. Understandably focused upon European developments, it begins and ends, from the Far Eastern perspective, in medias res; that is, after the outbreak of the Manchurian crisis and before the Japanese occupation of Indochina. Moreover, like other compilations of what statesmen and diplomats said to each other, this one slights economic factors and, though to a lesser extent, the role of public opinion. Even taken in their own terms, the documents perhaps reveal more about what others said and did to the French than about what they themselves accomplished. That points to a more fundamental problem, for one can question whether anything so gelatinous as the French responses or lack thereof to developments largely beyond their control can even be described as ‘policy.’ Still, although much more work in archives and private papers will be necessary before the entire story can be pieced together, these documents do shed light on what passed for French policy in East Asia during the years before the outbreak of World War II.
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 151-177 
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    Notes: Consolidated imperial rule tends to alter the relationships among indigenous elites. Some elite groups may adjust to the new regime by joining it or otherwise becoming collaborators in rule. Others may see a marked deterioration in their former ruling status and honor. Groups which cooperated politically during the pre-colonial period may experience new tensions and enter into relationships of a more adversary nature. It is sometimes difficult for observers of social and political change to see clearly the nature of the new conflicts among elites and the directions of cleavage. For this reason a lack of consensus pervades scholarly assessments of the meaning of the development of tensions between high-status non-Brahmans and Brahmans in south India early in the twentieth century. It is not clear why anti-Brahmanism emerged in the ideology of the Justice Party, a party of landholding interests.Was this development another example of the exacerbation of social distinctions under imperial rule, analogous to the Hindu-Muslim communalism which emerged in north India? Or, as one opinion has it, was the ideological change an opportunistic maneuver on the part of a group of politicians, encouraged by British officials anxious to foil the nationalist movement? This paper takes an approach more in line with the first alternative and sees the propagation of an ideology of ethnic antagonism as a result of processes of the reformation of group and personal identities. I link the reformation of group identity to the confusion in rules regarding group behavior which resulted from the imposition and operation of the imperial system of dispute management, the Anglo-Indian legal system.
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 179-207 
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    Notes: The Sri Lankan rural economy has long been categorized into a plantation sector producing tea, rubber and some coconuts for export, and a smallholder sector producing mainly food, especially rice, for domestic consumption. While incomplete, this dichotomy is still usable. One of the significant features of Sri Lankan rural history over the past half century has been a partial transfer of tea and rubber production from the plantation sector to the smallholder sector. In this and in related respects the traditional plantation-smallholder dichotomy has been weakening. Yet in another important respect there has been no convergence between the two sectors. The plantation sector has remained fully capitalist in the commonsense meaning of that term, while capitalist relations of production appear to have made few further inroads into the smallholder sector. True that a great deal of the labour used in smallholder production is hired. But that has long been the case. The evidence suggests that since World War Two the small family farm has at least held its own as the dominant form under which land is owned and managed. This has happened despite rapid population growth on a terrain already densely populated.
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 765-795 
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    Notes: In 1985 riots racked the western Indian city of Ahmedabad, continuing for a period of almost half a year, form February through July, leaving some 275 people dead, thousands injured, tens of thousands homeless, and a loss of property and trade estimated at Rs 2,200 crores (US$1.75 thousand million) (India Today, 13 August 1985, pp. 60 and 119), in ‘the most alarmingly sustained bout of rioting (as opposed to the sort of terrorism Punjab suffered...) since India's independence’ (Manor 1986: 102).
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 1-2 
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    Journal of American studies 23 (1989), S. 357-374 
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    Notes: In one of James's best-known stories, “The Middle Years” (1893), the mortally ill author Dencombe, staying at Bournemouth for the sake of what remains of his health, gets an advance copy of his latest – and almost certainly his last – novel, which is called The Middle Years. Looking over what might have been thought to be his finished and dismissed work on his clifftop bench, Dencombe revises it:Dencombe was a passionate corrector, a fingerer of style; the last thing he ever arrived at was a form final for himself. His ideal would have been to publish secretly, and then, on the published text, treat himself to the terrified revise, sacrificing always a first edition and beginning for posterity and even for the collectors, poor dears, with a second.
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    Journal of American studies 23 (1989), S. 482-483 
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    Journal of American studies 23 (1989), S. 407-421 
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    Notes: Albert Chavannes is not a name that is mentioned often in intellectual histories of the United States in the late nineteenth century. Few nowadays are familiar with the work of this émigré farmer and businessman who lived for most of his life in Knoxville, Tennessee. Yet his achievement was impressive. Between 1883 and 1885 he edited and published The Sociologist, which was possibly the first monthly journal of its kind in the U.S.A. Inspired by Edward Bellamy's utopian novel, Looking Backward (1888), and the nationalist movement which resulted from it, he also wrote utopian fiction in two books, The Future Commonwealth (1892) and its sequel In Brighter Climes (1895). In the first of these novels Chavannes synthesized Darwinian theories of evolution and secular notions of progress to suggest that scientific sociological inquiry could aid rational planning in the cause of perfecting society. In the sequel, he built a firmer bridge from this dynamic sociology to a form of naive Marxism. Chavannes's work thus colours with European ideas and influences that distinctive American utopian tradition which retains a nostalgic faith in the realization of Jefferson's millennial democratic vision.
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    Journal of American studies 23 (1989), S. 447-452 
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    Journal of American studies 23 (1989), S. 469-470 
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    Journal of American studies 23 (1989), S. 480-480 
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    Journal of American studies 23 (1989), S. 331-332 
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    Journal of American studies 23 (1989), S. 1-6 
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    Journal of American studies 23 (1989), S. 195-213 
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    Notes: “The true democracy of St. Louis, Edward I and Washington is forgotten,” lamented the American architect Ralph Adams Cram in 1917, “and a false democracy has taken its place....” The assertion was no aberration of wartime hysteria, and was less eccentric in the early twentieth century than it would have been before or since. It gave pointed expression to a set of attitudes which had strong appeal to a significant number of Cram's countrymen, and which casts light on the perennial efforts of Americans to define their place in history and to balance the competing claims of tradition and innovation.
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    Journal of American studies 23 (1989), S. 295-297 
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    Journal of American studies 23 (1989), S. 471-472 
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    Journal of American studies 23 (1989), S. 80-83 
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    Journal of American studies 23 (1989), S. 101-101 
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    Journal of American studies 23 (1989), S. 105-106 
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    Journal of American studies 23 (1989), S. 334-335 
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    Journal of American studies 23 (1989), S. 339-339 
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    Journal of American studies 23 (1989), S. 1-4 
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