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  • Cambridge University Press  (891)
  • 1960-1964  (891)
  • 1963  (891)
  • 1
    Electronic Resource
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 1-55 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: In the preface to her biography of Sun Yat-sen, Lyon Sharman writes of the difficulty of drawing a realistic portrait of the symbol of modern Chinese nationalism. Even working in China immediately after Sun's death in 1925, the author attempting an untrammelled biography was hampered not only by the paucity of reliable data but also, and more seriously, by the fact that the Kuomintang had forbidden overt criticism of Sun and of his ideas. The fact that her volume on Sun is still the best available nearly thirty years after publication is a tribute both to the author's assiduousness and to her empathy for China and the Chinese.
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  • 2
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 56-61 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The two stretches of Sino-Soviet frontier which lie on either side of the Mongolian Republic differ from each other in at least one important respect: whereas the Soviet population on the eastern stretch is predominantly Russian, or at any rate non-Asian, and faces the solidly Asian population of Manchuria, that of the western stretch is predominantly Turkic-Muslim and faces the predominantly Turkic-Muslim population of the Sinkiang Uighur Autonomous Region formerly known as the Province of Sinkiang.
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  • 3
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 99-111 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Despite his claim to have advanced beyond Marxism and arrived at an entirely new conception of the nature of traditional non-Western societies, it is somewhat surprising to learn that Professor Karl Wittfogel still feels the need to seek the testimony of no less an “authority” on Asia than Karl Marx. In a recent article in this journal Professor Wittfogel has once again examined the canons of Marxism in order to find support for the theory of “Oriental despotism.” In this case the articles that Marx and Engels wrote on China during the 1850s have been rescued from obscurity and presented as major canonical texts in the evolution of the doctrine of “Oriental despotism.”
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  • 4
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 137-150 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: At the lowest level of state administration in China some direct popular control of government is formally sanctioned. It is, therefore, at this level that the apparent conflict between the Chinese Communist Party's desire for mass participation in government and Party leadership over policy formation and execution can be analysed. The rural communes serve as a logical point of departure in this analysis. When formed in 1958, the rural communes replaced the hsiang as the basic unit of government administration for roughly 80 per cent, of the population. At the same time “democratic management,” a Party term for all kmds of mass political activity was emphasised, and by the autumn of 1958 a movement for the “Democratisation of Management” was under way. By December of the same year, however, the Central Committee of the Party warned that “militarisation of organisation” (another battle cry of that period) must not be used as a pretext to impair “democratic life” in the communes. From then on, the rural communes have been, in effect, a testing ground for the Party's policy towards popular participation in government.
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  • 5
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 169-180 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 6
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 1-2 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 7
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 3-11 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Though Chiang Kai-shek may vow to “sleep on faggots and drink gall” until the mainland is liberated, he has some reason to rest more easily today than at any time in his long career as Nationalist leader. On the mainland his government never clearly controlled more than one of China's three “key economic areas” (the Yellow River plain, the Yangtze valley, and the Szechuan basin). At least he can effectively control Formosa, a realm 1/260th the size of the mainland. Nationalist cells permeate schools, factories and government bureaux. Local police organisations, semi-autonomous in mainland days, are now under the central control of loyal mainlanders. The powerful security force, the Formosa Garrison Command (FGC), operates under martial law. The two minority parties are as impotent as their mainland counterparts. There are no treaty ports to harbour leftist critics and the mountainous half of the island is effectively patrolled by government forces painfully aware of the dangers of banditry and rebellion.
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  • 8
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 56-64 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Until recent events so rudely contradicted them, the Nationalists officially regarded Mao Tse-tung et al. as a puppet government whose strings were pulled from Moscow; the Communists, for their part, have found it equally convenient to look at the Nationalists as a rebellious local government suffering under American “occupation.” However, in spite of the often renewed vows of one side to eliminate the other a sporadic dialogue has gone on between Peking and Taipei. This is not so surprising when one remembers the many short honeymoons which have occurred during the oft-renewed marriage of political convenience between the Nationalists and the Communists.
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  • 9
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 51-55 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: America's policy towards Formosa has come under fire in recent months from all three groups of Chinese. The Nationalists and the Communists alike share the heritage that China is one state; some of the facts of international life, however, have given American policy a preference for accepting two Chinas in the world. The apparent American support for the Formosan independence movement is favoured neither by Peking nor Taipei. On the other hand the native Formosans criticise the contradictions and indecisions of American policy which, they say, encourages their democratic liberal movements, but at the same time helps Chiang Kai-shek to stay in office.
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  • 10
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 115-139 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: It should not be difficult to understand that even if the device known as a “contract” in China is not a contract in the Western sense in terms of the descriptive definition offered at the beginning of the first part of this article, it may still perform some of the functions that contracts perform in the West. Further, in order to perform those functions it may be necessary that rules—laws—be adopted for purposes of efficiency and administrative convenience.
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  • 11
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 107-114 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The ancestors of the contemporary Formosans abandoned the Chinese mainland with its poverty and inequalities, in the latter half of the sixteenth century, and emigrated to Formosa in order to open up and settle in new territory. Yet they have had little independence. The Dutch East India Company conquered Formosa and used it as a commercial base between 1624 and 1661; Koxinga and his supporters expelled the Dutch in 1661 and used Formosa as an anti-Manchu base until 1683; then the Manchus of the Ch'ing Dynasty gained control of Formosa until 1895; the island was ceded to the Japanese in 1895 and it was not until the collapse of Japan hi 1945 that the Chinese Nationalist Government was able to rule Formosa.
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  • 12
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 166-171 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 13
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 140-159 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Ch'en Shao-yü, Ch'in Pang-hsien (Po Ku) and others of the “returned students” group later claimed they had opposed the June resolution of the CC. According to a Japanese source, opponents centred within the propaganda and labour departments hastily convened a Central Workers' Conference in late June to criticise the Li Li-san leadership. The article stated that Li was able to override this opposition through the support of Hsiang Chung-fa, Chou En-lai, Hsiang Ying and others. However, in fact, Ch'en Shao-yü had urged a virtual replica of the “Li Li-san line” including the use of the Red Army two years earlier, and just a month before the June resolution he had written:Only those who are willing to protect the militarists, and the Iiquidationists who basically oppose armed uprisings can scold the CCP for preparing armed uprisings to seize power or term these actions adventurism....
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  • 14
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 1-2 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 15
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 1-2 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 16
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 45-50 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Nationalist China's diplomatic relations were in shambles as the disastrous year of 1949 came to a close. Major cities in southern China were falling rapidly to the Communists, Mao Tse-tung had arrived in Moscow on his triumphal trip and Chiang Kai-shek had fled to Formosa in bitter defeat. Only seven nations had established permanent missions in Formosa. Meanwhile, on the mainland a diplomatic never-never land existed; there were diplomats accredited to Peking, “negotiating representatives,” and ex-diplomats (in Chinese Communist eyes) whose countries had not recognised Peking.
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  • 17
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 65-74 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Chiang Kai-shek rebuilt his régime on Formosa not through his military might alone. Rather, he succeeded through rallying a group of intellectuals who could help him consolidate his rule on Formosa, work on propaganda, attract foreign aid and organise military control.
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  • 18
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 86-90 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: In Taipei a pedicab driver, living on a dollar a day, waves a cheerful greeting. When he knows you better, he will roll up his sleeve and show the scars won by 28 years in the army—with never a victory in sight. Roast Peking duck, as succulent as ever, is brought to the table by a shouting waiter. Round the corner in the police station a twelve-year-old boy is beaten with bamboo rods for pilfering. Nearby lives one of the most famous Chinese scholars of the century. He would like to go on studying the ancient documents, but at eighty-eight he finds riding the rickety bus to the Academia Sinica a little too much. He totters in with tea and talks awhile with his guests. In his quiet moments he likes to write out classical poetry hi ancient calligraphy.
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  • 19
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 91-106 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Eighteen years ago Formosa was liberated from half a century of Japanese colonial rule. When Kuomintang soldiers and administrators arrived to reassert Chinese sovereignty over the island province in October 1945 they were enthusiastically welcomed as liberators by the For-mosans. Within a few months, however, the Kuomintang had succeeded in alienating virtually all segments of the native population by inaugurating a military régime that treated Formosa as a conquered territory rather than a liberated area. The mass pillaging, official corruption and political repression that marked the early period of Kuomintang rule in Formosa set in motion the tragic events that culminated in the revolt of February 1947 in the course of which at least 10,000 Formosans were massacred. The Kuomintang has since done little to heal the scars of 1947 and today most of the 10,000,000 Formosans look upon the nearly 2,000,000 mainlanders who fled to Formosa with the collapse of Kuomintang rule as foreign overlords and describe the Chinese Nationalist régime as a colonial tyranny far more oppressive than the former Japanese rule. That the overwhelming majority of Formosans favour the establishment of an independent Formosan state, without ties to mainland China and, preferably, without the presence of mainlanders, is a fact that can no longer be ignored in considering the present condition and future status of Formosa.
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  • 20
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 178-180 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 21
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 199-200 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 22
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 17-29 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The establishment of Communist power in North Korea represents one more example of the triumph of purposive political behaviour over impersonal economic and social forces and as such merits the attention of all those who are concerned about the survival of the theory and practice of a free society in a shrinking world. If purposive Communist behaviour can become the prime mover of history, then so can the dedicated efforts of those with different conceptions of ends and means in the solution of human problems.
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  • 23
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 141-152 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: A leading figure in the field of modern Chinese philosophy, Fung Yu-lan (Feng Yu-lan) has lived and worked amidst the intellectual and political tensions which have characterised the recent history of his country. His major work, Chung-kuo Che-hsueh Shih (History of Chinese Philosophy), was published in the 1930s, and is known in the West through the monumental translation into English prepared by Professor Derk Bodde of the University of Pennsylvania. Fung's technical philosophical theories were defined and articulated in his wartime writings during the 1940s. Like many of the leading Chinese intellectuals, he has now embraced Marxism-Leninism, the new orthodoxy which provides the doctrinal creed for contemporary China even as Confucianism did for the scholar-officials of the imperial period.
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  • 24
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 240-241 
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  • 25
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 30-50 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: On October 23, 1962, Premier Kim Il-song outlined the foreign policy of his government before the Supreme People's Assembly, meeting in Pyongyang. His lengthy speech, entitled “Immediate Tasks of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea,” ranged over both domestic and foreign policy issues. To set forth the major themes of that speech is a convenient method of introducing the foreign policy of North Korea.
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  • 26
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 65-81 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: In a speech delivered at the rally commemorating the fifteenth anniversary of the liberation of Korea, the North Korean Premier announced that the peasants in North Korea were now the owners of large-scale collectivised farms and that they had the firm technical foundation for bumper crops every year without strenuous efforts. He declared: “This is the beginning of a world for our farm villages.” Another spokesman of the North Korean regime has stated: “It is easy (or good) to work and enjoyable to live in the co-operativised North Korean farms. There is a bumper crop every year in the constantly changing collectivised fields and the peasants' work and living are literally song and dances.”
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  • 27
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 153-177 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: This article is concerned with the nature, functions and scope of the institution in the People's Republic of China that is commonly referred to as contracts. The paper as a whole ultimately focuses on three problems: (1) the nature of this institution; (2) whether this institution, if it is of a different nature from the Western contract, performs tasks in the Chinese context not unlike those of the institution of contracts in the West: and (3) how it performs those tasks.
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  • 28
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 254-258 
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  • 29
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 1-9 
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  • 30
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 1-3 
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  • 31
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 1-2 
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  • 32
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 3-14 
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    Notes: “Where ideology restricts, art frees ...”: the opening section of T. A. Hsia's paper provides an eloquent statement of a fundamental distinction, a distinction which is at the centre of a dilemma. How is a group of men whose inclinations and commitments are to literature as art to approach a literature which is ideological in inspiration and intent? For this, we agreed, is a fair statement of the nature of Chinese Communist literature. It is more than a matter of guidance, or direction or control. It is not at all to be taken for granted that control is disastrous for literature. Great works of literature emerged in the past from under the control of despotic monarchs and authoritarian religions. Dante did not necessarily understand the authority of the Church to impose some kind of fetter on his work; it was a measure of restricted freedom that Chinese writers of the past knew and felt at home in. Great literature endures, as Mao Tun maintains, “not because literature is independent of politics but because it serves in a way much more profound than can be assessed at the moment.”
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  • 33
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 15-38 
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    Notes: Poetry and politics are rare companions in the competitive world of practical affairs today. In Moscow, Nikita Khrushchev, with peasant shrewdness, is addicted to Russian proverbs to enliven his rhetoric; but there are few indications that he is sympathetic with the creative writer and none that he himself will rank with Pushkin in the annals of his nation's literature. In Washington, the appearance of Robert Frost at John F. Kennedy's inauguration in January 1961 was an event at once exceptional and gratifying to admirers of Frost's artistic integrity; the elderly poet's advice to the young president of the United States to stress the Irish and underplay the Harvard hi his background may yet have enduring significance. Only in Peking, however, do we find a world leader who combines distinctive political abilities and literary talents. Indeed the juxtaposition of strategic and artistic instincts hi Mao Tse-tung is so unusual in the post-Churchillian world that the case merits more than passing note.
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  • 34
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 60-73 
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    Notes: Early in 1957, an event perhaps unparalleled in the world of letters was reported from China. A new monthly magazine, Shih-k'an (Poetry), made its appearance in February of that year, its inaugural issue including a collection of eighteen poems by Mao Tse-tung. The appearance of Mao's poetry was not in itself an exceptional event. From ancient times down to recent decades, Chinese statesmen and military leaders have often displayed talent in the writing of poetry; and it appeared that Mao Tse-tung was carrying on the established tradition of a long line of strong rulers in China who desired to impress the world that they were not only victorious conquerors and vigorous administrators, but also accomplished artists.
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  • 35
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 39-59 
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    Notes: Commenting on literature as a human record, Goethe once called it “The fragment of fragments: The smallest part of what has been done and spoken has been recorded; and the smallest part of what has been recorded has survived.” I find this observation a very sobering and instructive reminder for a discussion of Chinese poetry under Communist rule. Goethe was speaking of literature in general. And poetry, formally at least, being but one of its branches, is by deduction a fragment of “the fragment of fragments.” Over a decade many things have been accomplished under the régime. Many deeds have been done, immense work of material reconstruction has been completed, and more is in process, on the débris of destruction of comparable quantity; and unfathomable tribulations, pains and frustrations in soul and body are felt and muttered, as well as the hue and cry of zeal and enthusiasm exclaimed among massive crowds.
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  • 36
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 92-112 
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    Notes: The purpose of this article is to show what Communist literary dictatorship has done to some of the writers, who, though not literary giants, had in the past shown some promise in the art of letters.
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  • 37
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 74-91 
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    Notes: What pessimistic observers have lamented as the collapse of Chinese civilisation is exactly the necessary undermining and erosion without which there could not have been a regeneration of an old civilisation.... The product of this rebirth looks suspiciously occidental. But scratch the surface and you will find that the stuff of which it is made is essentially the Chinese bedrock which much weathering and corrosion have only made stand out more clearly—the humanistic and rationalistic China resurrected by the touch of the scientific and democratic civilisation of the new world.
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  • 38
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 139-157 
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    Notes: Modern Chinese literature, which I date from the deliberate new beginnings made at the time of the May Fourth movement, is distinguished by its conscious effort at Europeanisation, which is in itself a catchall term embracing a whole assembly of themes and techniques, images and linguistic features taken and adopted from the vast literature beyond the seas and vaguely and often incorrectly designated as European. To be European was in fact simply to be non-traditional Chinese.
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 113-138 
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    Notes: A reader in the United States of America or Great Britain may have great misgivings when he opens a book of fiction from Communist China. He is painfully aware of the conditions under which the book is written. He knows that thought control in Communist China means not only a set of taboos but also a strict order to write about certain subjects in a certain manner. With little effort he can guess the plot which rushes on to actual victory or victory imagined. And there is the other side to the “struggle,” which is always wrong and bad and doomed. He knows what characters he is going to encounter: the familiar ugly face of a landlord, the aspiring workers, peasants, and intellectuals who unite to follow the leadership of the Communist Party, and the waverers who somehow have to make a choice between the good and the evil—shadows of the types which, he remembers, dominated proletarian literature in the 1930s. Oversimplification is always an insult to intellect; and the insult becomes all the more unbearable if things are simplified not merely because of the writer's ignorance but, as the reader suspects, from an intention to deceive. Of course, the reader does not have to suffer all this if he can help it. But the book in his hand may be useful as source material for some kind of research, a social document or a storehouse of Communist jargon. So in the name of research, he doggedly reads on, with little expectation of pleasure or stimulus for thought. He is prepared to be insulted and to be bored to death.
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  • 40
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 180-194 
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    Notes: Speaking in a very general way, youth and age have been taken in traditional Chinese literature as two stages in a continuous development of which the first represents the preparation and the last the goal. Respective values attached to these stages were derived from this concept. In a civilisation where literature, even polite literature, was to a large extent an amateurish pursuit of the scholar-official, this evaluation does not come as a surprise, particularly since it will not be easy to find another civilisation which was as strongly ideology-motivated as was the Chinese. Established attitudes concerning youth and age were thus, in general, accepted and taken for granted also by the poet.
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 195-211 
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    Notes: In less than a decade, collectivisation has come to more than five hundred million Chinese peasants and a large portion of the urban population; it has transformed the socio-economic structure of the nation, causing general repercussions around the world and unascertainable effects in the country. The development of this massive and significant collectivisation movement is reflected, in large measure, in Chinese Communist literature. This article first presents, following a general chronological order, fictional materials reflecting the co-operative and commune movements, and then discusses summarily the artistic and social values of this literature.
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  • 42
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 158-179 
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    Notes: In Chinese Communist literature, men and women are primarily seen in their likeness as workers rather than in their sexual and emotional unlikeness as human beings. Women, as much as men, are praised for their socialist zeal and heroic capacity for work and condemned for being socialist sluggards indifferent to production. But despite its repudiation of “human interest” as a symptom of capitalist or revisionist decadence, even this supremely practical literature cannot begin to exist without some superficial attention to personal problems, and these problems, inevitably, attest to the persistence of biological instincts and immemorial habits of human civilisation. Until the techniques, Communist or otherwise, for dehumanisation are perfected, men and women will remain subject to irrational passions, and if circumstances permit, they will fall in love, get married, bring up children, and in other devious ways contrive for pleasure and happiness. In tracing the lot of Chinese women under Communism, I will therefore take for granted that the primary purpose of their earthly existence is to contribute to and assist in production and examine rather their residual personal problems in the context of the overriding importance of socialist construction. The results of niy investigation, if my women characters, drawn invariably from short stories, are at all typical, will show, not surprisingly, the pathetic adjustment of their feminine instincts and interests to the jealous demands of Party and state. The exceptions that I will take notice of—sympathetic victims and challengers of the impersonal Communist bureaucracy—are all heroines of revisionist fiction that has been subject to vehement attack by the press.
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 212-225 
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    Notes: In the opinion of the Communists, the significance of the Literary Renaissance in modern China beginning with the May Fourth movement of 1919, lies not in that it introduced the colloquial language as the new medium for literature, but in that it ushered into China a new literature which replaced the “old-fashioned, out-of-date literature of the bourgeois class.” But the new literature which the Communists had hoped for did not fully develop until the political revolution led by the Communists succeeded, and a new régime was established in 1949. To implement the literary revolution and to introduce the people's new literature, the Communist régime called the first conference of the All-China Federation of Literary and Art Circles in July, 1949 at which the government spokesmen expounded the concepts and scope of this new literature and outlined a programme for “literary workers” to follow. Since these expositions were indeed the expressions of the policies of the new régime on literary reform and are therefore pertinent to the discussion in this paper, they must be cited here as a point of reference.
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 258-262 
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 254-257 
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    Notes: First hard estimates of China's food production for 1962, a crucial year indeed, indicate a grains yield increase of from 8 to 10 per cent, over 1961, giving a total of 180–185 million metric tons; a fair enough year, all things considered, but not one promising any real relief from grey austerity, or an early end to the heavy industry pause.
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 226-253 
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    Notes: In 1962, commemorative activities were held in Communist China to celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the publication of Mao's Talks at the Yenan Forum on Literature and Art. In the same year, a group of scholars and writers working in America and Britain gathered near Oxford to ponder over Chinese Communist literature. Though the coincidence was not intentional, it did force on one's mind a disturbing sense of history. For no review of Chinese Communist literature, from our point of view or theirs, can escape the fact of control, and the control began with Mao's Talks. The success of the control, of course, is something to be celebrated in Communist China, but the defects in the Chinese Communist writing, noted at the conference in England, indicate the costs paid for that success. For these defects are made to order. It is beyond the power of any single writer in Communist China to correct them. He is bound to contribute to the collective errors if he wishes to avoid a political offence.
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 263-263 
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    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 75-85 
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    Notes: Mongolia has unexceptionably, unqualifiedly, and unhesitatingly supported the Soviet Union in all aspects of its dispute with China. It signed the test-ban treaty (on August 8); it publishes all the Soviet attacks on China immediately, and publishes Chinese attacks on the Soviet Union only after the Soviet press does so; it vilifies Albania; and praises and deals with Yugoslavia. A semi-weekly Russian-language newspaper was inaugurated in Ulan Bator on January 1, 1963 (Novosti Mongolii), and the introduction of an expanded and intensified programme of Russianlanguage instruction throughout the country was announced on May 24. In August, the Mongolians reorganised its State Planning Commission to include a separate division for agriculture and one for industry, along the lines of the reorganisation of the Soviet Communist Party. Mongolia supported the inclusion of the Soviet Union in Afro-Asian councils (at the conference of journalists in Indonesia), and in the United Nations moved that Iraq be condemned for its attack on the Kurds. Every day in every way it has been a firm supporter of the Soviet Union in the Sino-Soviet quarrel and in all things.
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    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 151-156 
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    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 162-163 
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    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 180-180 
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 12-34 
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    Notes: Fourteen years have elapsed since a shattered Nationalist Government fled to Formosa with the hope of reorganising and revitalising its forces and of building an effective base for a counter-attack against the Chinese Communists. At that time it appeared to have little chance of survival. However, because of changing international conditions and Formosa's impressive domestic economic performance, the Nationalist Government has been able to re-establish itself as an effective political force. Formosa's economic achievements have given the Government a certain international prestige and, combined with military assistance from the United States, have allowed it to maintain a large, well-equipped military establishment.
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 35-44 
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    Notes: Formosa has the unenviable distinction of having proportionally more men under arms than any other country. With resources and manpower being poured into keeping approximately 600,000 men in readiness for an eventual return to the mainland the military presence inevitably pervades Formosan life. Military needs conflict with personal freedom and restrain economic growth. Yet for all the efforts of the Nationalist government—sustained by huge amounts of American aid—the changing international scene and difficulties within the Nationalist forces make a return to the mainland less likely as time goes by.
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 75-85 
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    Notes: For decades, Formosa was a frontier for those people who set out from Kwangtung and Fukien in the waning days of the Ming dynasty, during the early part of the seventeenth century. By the time Koxinga defeated the Dutch in 1661 Formosa could claim a body of literature of its own. This, however, consisted mainly of histories and reports compiled by scholar-officials leaving an account of their stewardship, chronicles telling the story of settlement, cultivation and perennial skirmishes with the local aborigines, and poetry of the sort with which the learned men of China have traditionally amused themselves. This literature followed classical forms and was written in the traditional wen-yen.
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    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 86-98 
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    Notes: The Treaty of Peace and Friendship signed in Katmandu on July 31, 1950, by Nepal and India, declared that “The two Governments hereby undertake to inform each other of any serious friction or misunderstanding with any neighbouring State likely to cause any breach in the friendly relations subsisting between the two Governments” (Article II). Moreover, Nepal was “free to import, from or through the territory of India, arms, ammunition or warlike material and equipment necessary for the security of Nepal” (Article V). With the Chinese Communists preparing to reassert China's claim to Tibet, it was obvious that India sought “to ensure” that Nepal, together with Bhutan and Sikkim, should not be “included in the Communist Chinese sweep” along the Himalayas.
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    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 157-159 
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    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 163-167 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 51-64 
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    Notes: Since the end of the Second World War, which brought the division of the country into northern and southern halves, North Korea has become a thoroughly orthodox Communist state with but few deviations from the Russian type. The “Marxist-Leninist line” has been followed with fidelity and enthusiasm in the field of economic planning and organisation as laid out in both the early Five-Year Plans of Soviet Russia and in the similar pattern of socialisation in Red China. What deviation exists is said to be characteristic of the transitional period in building Socialism or a “people's democracy,” where exploiting elements still exist, as contrasted with the Soviet Union, where it is claimed “Socialism” is a reality. The government so far has launched the two One-Year Plans of 1947 and 1948, the first Two-Year Plan of 1949–50 with emphasis on Soviet assistance, the Three-Year Plan of 1954–56, the first Five-Year Plan of 1957–61, and the Seven-Year Plan of 1961–67.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 94-104 
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    Notes: A knowledge of judicial and administrative structure plays a vital part in understanding the government and politics of any society. In a Communist society, the administrative apparatus plays an important role, not only in controlling the society but also in implementing Party and government directives. To fully understand the government and politics of North Korea, it may prove helpful to investigate the administrative structure by which the North Korean leaders control the society and remain in power. After a decade and a half of political rule, these North Korean leaders are faced with constant social changes and rising pressures from below. The relations between political power and political institutions, between political ideal and social reality, between the formulation and implementation of policy, have in fact been a major ideological concern for North Korea's administrators, a preoccupation they share with the leaders of other Communist societies. The amount of information made available about the North Korean judicial and administrative system has been scanty at best. This article therefore is exploratory and not definitive in nature. By utilising the materials that are available this article attempts to present North Korean views and attitudes about law and administration, and to describe the institutional framework in which the legal and administrative apparatus functions; at the same time it also attempts to examine the Soviet and Communist Chinese impact on the development of North Korea's administrative system.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 3-16 
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    Notes: If one were to believe the official histories written in North Korea during the past few years, political developments in North Korea after 1945 and even the entire history of the Korean Communist movement would seem to have been relatively simple. According to North Korean historians, the new proletariat took over the leadership of the struggle for national liberation after the bourgeois-led March First Movement of 1919 had failed. The Korean Communist Party, first organised in 1925, ceased to operate in 1928 because the sectarians in the Party leadership failed to establish a link with the surging movement of the workers and peasants. The national liberation movement recovered its vigour and direction in the 1930s only because Kim D-song, whose strategy and tactics were the most scientific and most in accord with the principles of Marxism-Leninism, provided leadership. Kim Il-song became the “beacon” of the revolutionary movement, and the Korean People's Revolutionary Army under him fought against the Japanese “shoulder to shoulder with the Soviet Army.”
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 82-93 
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    Notes: It is important to know the structure of the Korean economy prior to the division of the country in order to understand agricultural development in North Korea in terms of its capital expenditure and output during the post-war period.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 125-140 
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    Notes: An examination of the educational objectives of North Korea and the system which implements these objectives reveals the true image of a country only dimly perceived since it disappeared behind the Bamboo Curtain after its liberation from the Japanese in 1945.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 105-124 
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    Notes: When a revolutionary movement seizes power, a Communist one no less than others, it faces the extra-revolutionary task of establishing a loyal and efficient military organisation to consolidate its conquests. In order to ensure unchallenged loyalty, the leaders of the revolution must, first of all, fill the army with their supporters. In order to secure an efficient phalanx, they are at the same time compelled to professionalise their fighting force. However, in the midst of a profound sociopolitical upheaval, these two objectives are not easily fused into one. The North Korean People's Army (NKPA), however, was in a unique position for its strengthening processes from its foundation in 1945. First of all, the NKPA did not need to fight against well-equipped Japanese forces. Secondly, it did not face such complex problems as the dispersal of enemy officer cadres, the securing of enemy loyalty and sympathy, a Civil War and its aftermath, all of which had caused considerable worries to the Communists in the Soviet Union and China. When absolute loyalty is doubtful, officers' professional qualifications are a dubious asset. The Party can never relax its leadership for the sake of a more professional army.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 178-194 
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    Notes: It is the aim of this paper to examine the Chinese Communist movement in 1930 and in particular the policies which bore the name of Li Li-san. The Li Li-san “line” was essentially an attempt to use the rural based Red Army to gain an urban base for the Communist revolution in China. As such it marked a transitional period between the emphasis on urban uprisings of earlier years and complete withdrawal to the countryside after this period. Similarly it was a transitional period in the relations between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Communist International (CI), moving from the complete direction of the CCP from Moscow to the relative seclusion of the CCP in the 1930s.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 218-239 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 260-263 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 263-265 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 275-276 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 195-211 
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    Notes: Despite the noticeable progress registered since 1954 in the reorganisation of a civilian administrative structure in North Vietnam, after three years much still remained to be done. In particular, while the régime had, from the very start, repeatedly pledged itself to hold popular elections at the earliest possible opportunity to all organs of government, these promises had never been kept, probably out of a desire not to upset the delicate political balance between North and South engineered by the Geneva agreements and to give the South a convenient pretext for repudiating them. But, when the deadline set at Geneva for a referendum in both halves of the divided land on the question of re-unification had expired and it became apparent to Hanoi that it could no longer hope to gain control of South Vietnam at the polls, the last reason for postponing unilateral action in the North vanished. By 1957, official sources in the D.R.V. were openly acknowledging that the situation with regard to elections had indeed become anomalous and even admitting thatthe state apparatus had not yet become sufficiently strong; in many places organs of people's power had not been re-elected for a long time. In some areas people's Councils have almost not been functioning at all or have functioned only formally. Some administrative committees were being appointed by higher organs, whereas they had to be elected by people's Councils.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 241-244 
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    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 62-74 
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    Notes: During the first decade of their mainland rule, the Chinese Communists sent considerable numbers of people from the densely populated provinces to develop China's frontier regions and to ensure that the minority peoples there were assimilated into the new Chinese Communist order of things. While some Chinese were sent to the minority areas of the southwest, the overwhelming majority migrated to the North-West and Inner Mongolia. From examining the available evidence, which has not been used comprehensively before, it becomes clear that the pattern of migration is essentially the same for each region in the three phases of migration which took place during the period under consideration—the small scale migration until 1955; the first organised mass migration which coincided with the Leap Forward of 1956 and the subsequent period of consolidation in 1957; and the migration during the Great Leap Forward of 1958.
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    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 112-136 
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    Notes: The rural people's communes, launched in the summer and autumn of 1958, purported to be a grand new social, political and economic organisation. They were supposed to be like “a fine horse, which having shaken off its bridle, is galloping courageously directly towards the highway of Communism.” An organisation had been created where collective living was actively promoted and the “Five-togethers” practised, where women were “freed from the drudgery of home life” and Idrawn into full time participation in the commune production, where labour could be shifted from area to area or even occupation to occupation according to needs and requirements, where the rural areas were not only the scene of agricultural production, but were also new centres of workshops producing steel and machine tools, and where the previous village, township and even county administration was now merged into the new commune administration, which thus undertook multifarious activities.
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    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 159-161 
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 160-165 
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 183-199 
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 180-182 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 212-217 
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    Notes: In the November 9, 1962, issue of the People's Daily, a cartoon shows President Kennedy seated at a restaurant table waving a broken missile on the end of a fork and giving his order to a bald, obsequious waiter who stands with pad and pencil in hand. The caption: “His Appetite Grows With The Eating.” Kennedy says “I'll have fried Il-28 bombers next and sugar machete for the sweet course.” The waiter can hardly be mistaken for anybody but Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 259-260 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 266-275 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 244-249 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 250-253 
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1963), S. 1-3 
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1963), S. 1-2 
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1963), S. 295-324 
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    Notes: Through the years there have been subtle changes in the evaluations of the work of Tycho Brahe. As one examines the tracts dealing with novae and comets in which reference is made to the nova of 1572 or the comet of 1577, it becomes quite evident that in different parts of Europe and in the Near East and at different periods of time and among men of different religious convictions different values were placed on his work. The extent of his influence should be distinguished from the measure of his achievements. Moreover, his importance cannot be completely separated from that of Kepler and the horde of other writers who furnished more than a mere background for the display of Tycho's brilliance. Here, as always, there is the danger of assigning to one man innovations that were, so to speak, in the air.
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1963), S. 357-363 
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    Notes: Scurvy is now almost a forgotten disease, but it would be difficult to exaggerate its importance in the history of a maritime nation such as our own. To the historian of medical science it is equally interesting, because the various and extraordinary variety of theories concerning it reflect in themselves the intellectual climate of the past. By their repeated refusal to accept the conclusions of an experimental method, by their pedantic reliance on a priori reasoning or antiquated prejudices, the medical authorities of all countries delayed the conquest of this terrible disease long after a cure had been established by men who had practical experience of it. If anyone imagines that even in scientific knowledge progress is inevitable, let him remember that scurvy continued to be the curse of the sea and the hardship of explorers so recent as Scott and Shackleton a hundred years after it had been eliminated in the fleets of Nelson's day.
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1963), S. 325-355 
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    Notes: SynopsisThe Geological Society of London was the first learned society to be devoted solely to geology, and its members were responsible for much of the spectacular progress of the science in the nineteenth century. Its distinctive character as a centre of geological discussion and research was established within the first five years from its foundation in 1807. During this period its activities were directed, and its policies largely shaped, by its President, George Bellas Greenough, on whose unpublished papers this account is chiefly based.The Society began as a small scientific dining club in London, but it developed rapidly into a learned society with a nation-wide membership. It became so independent in outlook and so active in research that it was felt to threaten the esteem of the Royal Society; and little more than a year after its foundation it clashed with the Royal Society (and especially with its President Sir Joseph Banks) so violently that its continued existence was for a time uncertain.Its development into a large independent society was the outcome of its ‘Baconian’ view of the importance of collecting geological facts as a surer basis for geological theories. For this purpose it initiated an ambitious scheme for co-operative research, which would unite the efforts of ‘philosophers’ with those of ‘practical men’. Only personal reasons seem to have kept the most prominent of the practical men—William Smith—from co-operating with the Society.
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1963), S. 375-380 
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    Notes: AbstractA eudiometer formerly believed to have belonged to Henry Cavendish was probably made after his death. It may have belonged to John Dalton.
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1963), S. 365-373 
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    Notes: The rapid growth of seventeenth-century science is said to have been facilitated from four main outside channels: the arts, medicine, economic life and war, each of them influencing, to some extent, the important scientific achievements of the latter half of the century. The bitter campaigns of the English Civil War stimulated a rough and ready empiricism, as military necessity brought forth increasing advances in engineering, navigation, cartography, medicine and surgery. And the impetus to inventive genius provided by long experience in the art of war is well exemplified in the career of the Royalist Commander, Prince Rupert of the Rhine. After nearly forty years of waging war on land and sea, Prince Rupert, German-English nephew of Charles I, spent his retirement in busy experiment; and many of his inventions, though based on his knowledge of weapons, were later adapted for peaceful purposes.
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1963), S. 381-381 
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1963), S. 382-384 
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1963), S. 384-384 
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1963), S. 385-386 
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1963), S. 387-387 
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