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  • Cambridge University Press  (3,155)
  • Cambridge University Press (CUP)
  • 1950-1954  (1,787)
  • 1935-1939  (1,368)
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  • 1
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    International review for social history 4 (1938), S. 1-5 
    ISSN: 1873-0841
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Economics
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  • 2
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    International review for social history 4 (1938), S. 1-38 
    ISSN: 1873-0841
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: Until 1916, though much had been written about Labour's Wrongs and Labour's Remedy), nothing was known of the life of its author John Francis Bray, except that he was a journeyman printer in Leeds. In December of that year John Edwards published in the Socialist Review the results of research that he had made into Bray's career based on letters discovered in Leeds which had been written to Bray by his brothers. With these, he described Bray's life up to 1850 and discoveries of other letters by Alfred Mattison of Leeds brought the story up to 1854 which is the last date mentioned by Max Beer in his article on Bray in the Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences.
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  • 3
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    International review for social history 4 (1938), S. 139-152 
    ISSN: 1873-0841
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: About Ludwig Gall (1791–1863), the first propagandist in Germany between 1825 and 1835 of the ideas of Owen, Saint-Simon and Fourier, no documents from public archives have until now been published. Nor were there any documents known before written by himself. This greatly adds to the value of the present publication.The preface and the documents published throw some light on Gall's work as substitute secretary of the Gewerbeverein at Coblenz, on his travels in the countries of the Danube monarchy, and his relations with the Hungarian government. In the above article the author tells us something about this little-known period of Gall's life, sketching for example the part Gall played in the flight of Franz Pulszky's wife and his meeting with the authoress Malwida von Meysenbug.
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  • 4
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    International review for social history 4 (1938), S. 39-138 
    ISSN: 1873-0841
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: The author of this article points out that up to the present there exists no critical study of the relation between the First International and the Commune. This he deems very regrettable, as ever since the year 1871 a connection has been established between the two movements.So did also the French Government, for when it had destroyed the Commune, it brought an action against the First International. To this end, Jules Favre ordered the French ambassadors to undertake the necessary steps with the governments to which they were accredited. The dispatches published in this article, which were the replies to Favre's circulars—also reproduced here—, reveal that these steps carried no direct results. For a greater knowledge, however, of facts and of the notions prevalent with the governments of various European countries, they are of considerable historical interest. Thiers, moreover, introduced a bill into the Assemblée Nationale to the effect of making punishable whoever was connected with the International. The Assemblée appointed a commission to examine this bill; the records of this commission are also to be found in the above article. An explanatory text, finally, links up the various documents published.
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  • 5
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    International review for social history 4 (1938), S. 153-160 
    ISSN: 1873-0841
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: Marx met the then 22 years old Blind) for the first time in May 1848, when he and Engels made their appearance in the revolutionary state of Baden (Germany), after the Neue Rheinische Zeitung had been suspended. At that time they declared to the members of the republican committee at Karlsruhe (Landesa usschuss), that they considered the revolt in the South-West of Germany irretrievably doomed to failure, if no decisive moves in Hungary or another revolution in Paris should come to its rescue. The only members of the committee who supported this opinion were, as stated by Engels), Karl Blind and Amand Gögg. Soon afterwards Marx and Blind met again in Paris. On September 5 Marx gave Blind's address to Freiligrath as his own. Blind had been sent to France by the revolutionary governments of Baden and the Palatinate as one of the members of the legation, which these two shortlived republics intended to establish there. But Louis Napoleon's government ignored this legation, and consequently did not respect Blind's diplomatic immunity, when the latter, soon after his arrival, proved to be involved in the abortive coup of Ledru-Rollin of June 13. Blind was placed under arrest and expelled from France on the same day, on the ground that his presence was “such as to disturb public order and calm”.
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  • 6
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    International review for social history 4 (1938), S. 161-170 
    ISSN: 1873-0841
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: In 1789, d'Argenson (1771–1842) who was a grandson of one of the ministers of Louis XV, embraced the new ideas. For a considerable time he held himself aloof from public life, while conscientiously managing hisextensive estates. All the same he was a “prefét” unter Napoleon. It is only with the Restauration, however, that he started out on his political career. Elected a deputy, he was a member of the leftist opposition, though paying far more attention than his faction to social questions, and particularly to the lot of the peasants whom he had come to know very well. In 1824 he announced the birth of a new science, viz. “the Science of Social Justice”, which was to correct the evils of inequality.The revolution of 1830 fired him with passionate ardour in the defence of his ideas. He was encouraged, moreover, through his intimate connection with the aged Buonarotti, a friend of Babeuf's.D'Argenson published a brochure of a revolutionary character entitled Boutades d'un riche à sentiments populaires, and defended this before the jury—by which he was acquitted—and before the Chamber. As he was not re-elected in 1834, he retired to his properties, remaining true to the socialist doctrines, however, up to the end of his life.
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  • 7
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    International review for social history 4 (1938), S. 171-230 
    ISSN: 1873-0841
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: The present article is the second part of a study on the Dutch working-class movement between 1876 and 1886, (the first part was published in Vol. III of this Review), and deals with the economic crisis and the unemployment problem in the years 1884 to 1886.The economic position of Holland was very bad at that time. Apart from an agricultural crisis, which set in about 1875, a crisis in commerce and industry, especially in ship-building and other building trades, made itselffelt after 1883. The number of unemployed was considerable throughout the country; it was particularly great, however, in the large towns, to which numerous labourers from the rural districts had migrated. The author tries to ascertain the magnitude of this unemployement on the strength of certain figures, which, although incomplete, are important as the first data on the unemployment in Holland in the 19th century. Then follows an investigation into the methods of fighting this unemployment, which brings out that, generally speaking, both the government and the individual municipalities were of the opinion that interference in this matter did not fall within their sphere of action. When the normal church- and municipal dole proved to be insufficient, private persons were expected to provide for the extra wants of the poor. This was indeed the case in Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and various smaller towns in the form of a special dole and the organization of relief work. Unemployment insurance was practically not yet thought of at that time.
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  • 8
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    International review for social history 4 (1938), S. 231-280 
    ISSN: 1873-0841
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: From the reports of the Solicitor-Generals on the “moral and political conditions”, extracts are being published, which throw a light on the reawakening of the labour movement during the first years of Napoleon the Third's reign.After a short period of great confusion a sense of solidarity grows up among the working classes in almost every part of the country, but particularly in the growing industrial centres, resulting from the contrast between labour and capital, which feeling often manifests itself in the formation of some or other organization. The working classes rise in opposition against the employers and the State-institutions, in so far as they act as employers, without however constituting a political opposition against the régime itself. Napoleon's general policy, and above all his foreign policy, is often even approved of by the lower classes. The manifestations of this awakening solidarity among the working classes are various: able management of the imperial charitable institutions, coalitions, hunger demonstrations, strikes etc. In times of economic prosperity such practices are little observed, but they become more general in times of economic depression.
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  • 9
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    International review for social history 4 (1938), S. 463-487 
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  • 10
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    International review for social history 4 (1938), S. 359-462 
    ISSN: 1873-0841
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: The best-known episode in the early history of Britsh Trade Unionism is the dramatic rise and fall of the Grand National Consolidated Trades Union in 1833—1834. Robert Owen's sudden emergence as the leader of a mass movement reported to number a million adherents, the trial and transportation of the unfortunate ‘Tolpuddle Martyrs’ for the crime of administering unlawful oaths, the presentation of the ‘document’ demanding renunciation of Trade Union membership by masters in many parts of the country, and the complete eclipse of the Grand National within a year of its first foundation, make a story which has been told many times with effect, and does not need telling over again. But though this particular story is well-known, there is a good deal that remains obscure in Trade Union history both during this critical year and, still more, during the few previous years when the idea of an all-embracing ‘General Union of Trades’ was taking hold of one section after another of the British working classes.
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  • 11
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    International review for social history 4 (1938), S. 281-357 
    ISSN: 1873-0841
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: The present article deals with the attempt made in Austria from 1934 to 1938 to found berufständische Gewerkschaften (corporative trade unions) within the framework of the autoritarian system of government. The Gewerkschaftsbund (league of trade-union societies) of the Austrian workmen and employees, whose constitution, structure, basic principles and internal development are being discussed here, was to organize the workmen and employees in compliance with the corporative social order, on the principles of the new social doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church. Since this attempt was made on the basis of former trade-unionistic organizations, the author dwells on the structure of the Austrian trade unions prior to the break-up of the greatest of the then existing organizations, viz. the “free trade unions”. Then follows a detailed examination of the principles of organization of the league of trade-union societies, founded by state decree in March 1934. As this league formed part of the corporative upbuilding initiated by the State, its position is sketched, both within the organization of the State, and as part of the corporative structure. This survey of the corporative structure of Austrian economic life raises the question to what extent the new economic methods are compatible with the basic principles of the Austrian league of trade-union societies. This leads up to the problem how far this league corresponds with the principles laid down by the encyclical Quadragesimo anno. Closely connected with this problem is another question, much contested in Austria between 1934 and 1938, i.e. whether in a completed corporative social order independent workers' associations can exist, separate from the employers' organizations.
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  • 12
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    International review for social history 4 (1938), S. 488-493 
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    Topics: Economics
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  • 13
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    International review for social history 4 (1938), S. 494-498 
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  • 14
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    International review for social history 4 (1938), S. 499-509 
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  • 15
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    International review for social history 4 (1938), S. 510-515 
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  • 16
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    International review for social history 3 (1938), S. 1-5 
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  • 17
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    International review for social history 3 (1938), S. 1-24 
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  • 18
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    International review for social history 3 (1938), S. 185-286 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: The International Association, which existed in London from 1855 to1859 and which was founded by French, Polish and German refugees and English chartists, is to be regarded as the first international organization of a proletarian and socialist character, and forms the last and most important link in the series of international manifestations during the three decades prior to the foundation of the First International, which will be briefly sketched here).When in Europe about 1830 the working-class movement came into existence, When in Europe about 1830 the working-class movement came into existence, there arose simultaneously, as an immediate result of the awakening class-consciousness, the idea of international proletarian solidarity, which has continued to be a basic element of the proletarian ideology and to find expression in manifestations of international solidarity, as well as in the formation of various organizations of an international tenor.
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  • 19
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    International review for social history 3 (1938), S. 107-184 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: The present first volume of a study of the Dutch working-class movement between 1876 and 1886, covers the period from 1876 to 1883, in which each of the three currents of this movement found its definite course.First of all the origin of the three large working men's organizations, their ideology and activity are sketched. In 1871 the A. N. W. V. (Algemeen Ncderlandsch Werklieden-Verbond — General Dutch Workers' Union) was founded in opposition to the First International, which had a small branch in Holland. This union was general in name, but liberal in character; it acknowledged private ownership and aimed at reconciliating the classes of society. In 1877 the Calvinist workmen, repelled by the Liberalism of the A. N. W. V., founded a society of their own, named Patrimonium. They also desired peace, but in a christianized, patriarchal society, in which the social distinctions ordained by God were mitigated by Christian love and fellow-feeling. In 1881 the S. D. B. (Sociaal Democratische Bond — Social Democratic Union) finally united all the scattered adherents of Socialism. This society soon came under the leadership of the ex-minister of religion Domela Nieuwenhuis. Though in its economic principles the influence of Marx was apparent, it was certainly not Marxist in character; in these years the socialists really lived in an eschatological expectation of salvation.
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  • 20
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    International review for social history 3 (1938), S. 25-88 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: Aaron Liberman was the first to try to create a socialist movement among the Jews in the seventies of the 19th century. In the history of the social movements he is rightly considered to be the founder of Jewish Socialism. Liberman's views and methods were strongly influenced by Russian Socialism, particularly through Peter Lavrov and his followers, who grouped themselves round the Vperiod (Forewords), the organ edited by Lavrov. Drawing on the archives of the former secretary, later on editor of the Vperiod, Valerian Smirnov, which archives are in the possession of the International Institute for Social History, the author investigates into the main period of Liberman's life, from the beginning of his emigration until his death.The article comprises the following chapters: I. In Russia; II. First Stay in London (1. Growing sympathy with the Vperiod; 2. The Vperiod and Jewish Socialism; 3. The Jewish Socialist Society in London); III. The tiaemes and the Jewish socialist section in Berlin; IV. Tragic End.The author endeavours to determine Liberman's contribution to the Vperiod and other European socialist organs, and deals with the role he played in the working-out of the rules and constitution of the Social Revolutionist Union of the Jews in Russia, and in the foundation of the Jewish Socialist Society in London, 1876. He comes to the conclusion that Lavrov played as prominent a part in the working-out of the rules and constitution as Liberman, and that the London Jewish Socialist Society is greatly indebted to Smirnov. The author further deals with Liberman's stay in Vienna, where he edited his organ Haemes, and with the so-called Nihilist-trial in Berlin, 1879. Finally he sketches Liberman's return to London in the beginning of 1880 and discusses the circumstances which ultimately led to Liberman's suicide.An appendix contains eight letters from Liberman to Smirnov and five from Smirnov and others, bearing upon Liberman. The three most important letters from Liberman to Smirnov are cited in a French translation as well as in their Russian original.
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    International review for social history 3 (1938), S. 89-106 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: The present study is based on the vast number of letters written by and addressed to Lassalle, which have only been discovered during the last twenty years, and which have hitherto hardly been regarded seriously by historians. This study does not deal with the theories of the famous propagandist, but only with his political activity. It investigates his real motives for drafting the programme of the Allgemeine Deutsche Arbeiterverein; for what he was agitating; and why he failed to attain his object. A short analysis of the internal situation of Prussia adds to a better understanding of the real possibilities, of Lassalle's schemes.Special attention has been paid to the arguments which Lassalle used to convince Bismarck of the necessity of granting a general suffrage—the principal item of his programme—, and the analysis of his attitude towards the monarchial system of Poland and the caesarism of Napoleon III. His friend Rodbertus wanted to persuade him that caesarism was the "signatura temporis" for future Europe, and that consequently the dictatorial system had far better chances to succeed in solving the problem of the proletariat than democracy. But Lassalle was too much of a politician to let himself be persuaded that in the long run it would be possible to divorce the social elements from politics.Finally the author compares the way in which Lassalle tried to influence the political outlook of his age with that of his rivals Marx and Engels.
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  • 22
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    International review for social history 3 (1938), S. 287-300 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: An interest in the history of ideas has never been popular in the United States; the modern student finds a tabula rasa in all fields of social science. The late Vernon L. Parrington complained of “the present lack of exact knowledge in connection with the history of American letters”). Charles E. Merriam observed that the “development of American political theories has received surprisingly little attention from students of American history”); and the history of economic ideas in America may be similarly described:—it does not yet exist.
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  • 23
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    International review for social history 3 (1938), S. 301-334 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: The French republican calendar, dictated by the National Convention, has had its forerunners. The most important among them was Sylvain Maréchal, a highly original and remarkable figure.In 1788 Sylvain Maréchal issued the Almanach des Honnêtes Gens, dated “Fan premier de la Raison” (the first year of Reason), in which the names of the days of the week, the Christian festivals and the table of Saints were omitted. It was this almanac, modified in accordance with the circumstances, that served as the prototype for the republican calendar. Maréchal was put into prison, and afterwards exiled from Paris. His calendar was impounded and burnt by order of the Parliament. Later on Maréchal issued other almanacs and fought in the press for the reform of the calendar. All this is dealt with in the present study, and the name of Marechal will forthwith be linked to those of Romme and Fabre d'Eglantine, the two members of the Convention to whom the republican calendar is due.
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  • 24
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    International review for social history 3 (1938), S. 411-416 
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  • 25
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    International review for social history 3 (1938), S. 335-397 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: The aim of the present treatise is to illustrate the connection between the ever-changing economic situation and the anti-social activity of a group living under a uniform juridical system. In the sphere of anti-social activity which presents so many aspects—numerically summarized in the statistics of morality— the student is confronted with several conflicting theories in causality research. The extremes are repressented by the “indeterminist theory of free will” and the “determinist doctrines of environment and heredity”. Whichever theory is accepted is of decisive importance in considering the principles of the policy of criminal law to be applied and its administration at any given period.The present investigation does not confine itself in the matter of deduction to one of the above theories. It also avoids the analysis of isolated cases. It endeavours to obtain some insight into the functional and causal relationships between the two classes of phenomena by comparing data provided by mass statistics relating to economic and anti-social life.After introductory expositions on both the significance and nature of the position of the problems and the method underlying the investigation, the historical part of the study deals with the phenomena of crimes against property and the connection between them and economic conditions in Germany during the years 1882—1936. This period is divided into three sections. The years 1882—1913 cover the period of steady development. The war period (1914—18), owing to lack of statistical data, is only treated summarily. In the post-war section the law reforms begun in 1933 are not taken into account, because they did not yet cover the legislative repression of crimes against property.
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    International review for social history 3 (1938), S. 398-410 
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    Notes: The above article, a chapter from a larger work on the socio-historical foundation of Prussia, deals with the only peasants' revolt of importance that ever took place in Germany east of the Elbe. In September 1525, when in western Germany the after-effects of the great revolt were ebbing down, the peasants in the recently secularized dukedom of Prussia revolted against the rising nobility. The course of the peasants' action and the insufficient assistance they received from the town of Konigsberg and its citizens are sketched separately from material gathered from a contemporary chronicle. Already five days after the outbreak of the revolt and before serious acts of violence had occurred, the aristocratic town-council of Königsberg effected peace between the peasants and the nobility. After the return of the duke from Germany, severe punishments were inflicted, followed in the next year by the statutory regulation of all the new peasants' obligations.Special attention deserve: the close connection between the peasant movement and contemporary unrests in Konigsberg; the influence that radiated from there; the lack of support from the towns as the cause of the speedy break-down of the revolt; its pronouncedly political character, hardly influenced by religious ideas and aiming at rooting out the aristocratic “weeds”. The leading elements of the revolt were the well-to-do, self-confident, free peasants—of German as well as of Polish descent—and not the mostly impoverished serfs, which proves that no peasants' revolts occurred east of the Elbe not because of the favourable condition of the peasants there, and that also in this one particular case socially higher situated elements were sooner inclined to revolt against suppression.
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    International review for social history 3 (1938), S. 417-420 
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    International review for social history 3 (1938), S. 421-430 
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    International review for social history 3 (1938), S. 431-440 
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    International review for social history 2 (1937), S. 1-4 
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    International review for social history 2 (1937), S. 1-5 
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    International review for social history 2 (1937), S. 1-247 
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    Notes: The Vienna Labour-Chamber has for ten years examined the budgets of 60—70 families of workers, employees, unemployed and small annuitants. This decade comprises both the gradual recovery of Austria's economic position from the crisis caused by the war and the inflation, and part of the crisis which began in 1929.In 1925, out of 42 heads of households 2 were unemployed, in 1928, out of 62 none, in 1934 on the other hand 19 out of 69. The average sum of annual expenses in 1925 amounted to 3.703, in 1929 to 5.105, and in 1934 to 3.208 schillings per family; the income of the heads of households in 1934 amounted to only 62.2 % of that of 1926. Efforts on the part of other members of the family to make up for the decrease in the income of the head of the household by taking up work proved unsuccessful.The housing conditions show an improvement till the year 1930, which is expressed in a diminuation of overcrowding; from then onwards the conditions remain rather stable with a slight tendency towards deterioration. Rents, which show a considerable rise whilst still remaining fairly low owing to the Act for the protection of Lessees, account in 1925 for 2.62 %, and in 1934 for 7.26 % of the total expenditure.Partly as a result of the small expenditure on rent, the percentage of the household expenses spent on food is very considerable. In 1925 it amounts to 59.73 %, in 1931 (the minimum year) to 48.17 % and in 1934 to 50.64 %. The biggest item of the expenditure for food is meat, the consumption of which is more or less directly affected by the business cycle, whereas the consumption of bread and flour is hardly influenced at all. The consumption of fats shows great fluctuations in its composition; the principal constituent, however, remains always lard.
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    International review for social history 2 (1937), S. 1-27 
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    Notes: The principal purpose of these notes is to correct certain misunderstandings which I believe to be widely prevalent concerning the character of British Trade Unionism during the quarter of a century which followed the establishment in 1850—1851 of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers. The period covered thus begins with the inauguration of the ‘new model’ type of Amalgamated Society, and extends to the end of the trade boom of the early seventies, stopping just short of the Great Depression which set in about 1875.
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    International review for social history 2 (1937), S. 28-49 
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    Notes: The aim of the author of this article was merely to write an introduction, i.e. to offer some observations on the methods and theories appropriate, in his opinion, to the study of the Christian Syndicalist Movement.In part I he deals with the organisations' internal life. Here he examines in turn:The circumstances of the organisations' foundation, namely partly clerical and doctrinal influences, partly the reactions of the workers. The various ways in which Christian Trade-Unionism is influenced by the clergy. The structure of the confederations, especially the problems of centralism and bureaucracy, democracy and federalism. And finally recruiting-conditions, viz. the degree of confessionalism of the organisation, the religious attitude of the members as a whole, and the distrubution both geographically and vocationally. Here he adds a comparison between the fluctuations in the number of members of Christian and of socialist organisations.
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    International review for social history 2 (1937), S. 171-177 
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    Notes: Monsieur George Bourgin discovered in the National Archives in Paris several manuscripts shedding light on the life and doctrines of Saint-Simon. One is a petition addressed by Saint-Simon to the Chamber of Deputies under the Restauration. Here the great utopist exposes a political system most suitable for his country and gives a survey of the means how to increase France's wealth, how to start a really national education-campaign, and how to guide the French morale in the path of positive peace. The other texts consist of letters, probably addressed to Decazes, in which he endeavours to obtain his assistance in favour of the young school of Saint-Simon.
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    International review for social history 2 (1937), S. 50-104 
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    Notes: The great strike movement in France in the summer of 1936, which took its peculiar form of action in a series of stay-in strikes, can only be explained by the general state of mind of the French working-class in the spring of 1936. France had found itself for the last two years in a state of growing social and political fermentation. The danger of the militant social and political reaction, which manifested itself particularly clearly in February 1934, had roused the socially and politically progressive elements in France and enabled the reconciliation of the two great labour parties. It also surmounted the discord in the trade-unions and led to the formation of the “Popular Front”, which gained a glorious victory at the elections of deputies on April 26th and May 3rd 1936. In the course of this development of events the social consciousness of the working-class was strengthened. The feeling no longer to have to accept meekly the privations they had had to suffer during the years of depression, and no longer to stand deprived of their rights by their employers, gradually grew stronger. The beginning of 1936 marked a tremendous growth of the membership in the trade-unions and everywhere in the working-class there was a state of ferment. Characteristic of this development is, above all, the fact that in the beginning of the movement of 1936 the material claims, the claims for raising wages, often played a less prominent part and fell back behind the aspiration for mitigation of the social inferiority of the working-class, that is to say, the actual acknowledgement of the workman's right to join a trade-union, the realization of the system of collective contracts, the admittance of representatives of the workers in the different industries.
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    International review for social history 2 (1937), S. 105-170 
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    Notes: The aim of this study is to link up the general trend of Dutch and international political developments with certain events in the domain of social history, some of which are scarcely known and some exciting little attention, being regarded as of mere local interest.A description of the organising methods and the political tactics of the early socialist movement in Western Europe forms an introduction to this enquiry. There are in the main three methods of proceeding in the matter and the one chosen is determined by the particular political conditions of a country at a given moment.Educational societies for the working classes are being founded and the leading executive positions occupied by men belonging to socialist-communist secret societies. These, which are perfectly legal and in every sense public societies, serve as a means for collecting into a body the active-minded workers; at the same time they form a sieve for the selection of such elements as might seem useful and worthy of admittance to membership of the secret society.
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    International review for social history 2 (1937), S. 178-191 
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    Notes: These letters of Varlin addressed to Albert Richard show Eugène Varlin first and foremost as the precursor of French syndicalism.Between the years 1868–1870 a great development took place in the French labour movement of which Varlin was the heart and soul as well the brains. He saw the great advantage of labour having its own organs for propaganda and founded a short-lived weekly le Travail; the Marseillaise, a daily paper for which he asked Richard's support took its place.Notwithstanding the financial hardships entailed on the workers, he welcomed, in a sense, the numerous strikes, because they were a sure means of compelling the workers to organise. “We must be ready with our organisation against the day of the revolution. It is essential that we shall be able at once to replace existing institutions by a more perfect system of our own; it will fetch all the doubters.” He mentions the advisability of enlisting the bakers' union in the general strike movement. “For a general strike to be successful, it is imperative to have them with us.”
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    International review for social history 2 (1937), S. 193-228 
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    Notes: Among the projects for a new social organisation which were published during the French revolution a special place must be allotted to the scheme submitted in the work De la propriété ou la cause du pauvre, plaidée au Tribunal de la Raison, de la Justice et de la Vérité (Property, or the case of the poor man, presented before the Tribunal of Reason, Justice and Truth). This work, which appeared anonymously in 1791, was attributed by A. Aulard and by the catalogue of the National Library to the Abbé de Cournand, professor of literature at the Collège de France from 1784–1814, and best known during the revolution for his courageous advocacy of the marriage of priests.
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    International review for social history 2 (1937), S. 257-269 
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    International review for social history 2 (1937), S. 246-256 
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    Notes: I. Le mouvement socialiste, très intense en France dans la première moitié du siècle dernier, cess de se manifester à la suite du coup d'État de décembre 1851. A peine commençait-il à relever la tête après la chute de l'empire lorsque la sanglante répression de la Commune lui porta un nouveau et terrible coup. Ce ne fut qu'après les élections républicaines d'octobre 1877 et après que le vote de l'amnistie eût permis aux exilés de rentrer en France qu'il put reprendre son activité. L'impulsion donnée en France fut suivie dans les autres pays et l'organisation socialiste devint vite internationale.
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    International review for social history 2 (1937), S. 229-245 
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    Notes: The author of this article on the activities of the Hungarian refugee and spy Johann Bangya based himself on archival sources hitherto unused. As early as 1845/46 Banya had already occasionally served the Austrian Government in some confidential capacity. A spy in the grand style, however, he became after the collapse of the Hungarian fight for independence of 1848/49. He succeeded in establishing himself among the London circles of emigrants, and it was he who put the authorities on the track of the „Kommunistenbund” in Germany. The arrest of the emissary Nothjung and the Cologne Communist Trial, moreover, may be traced back to him as well. Bangya managed to get into close contact with Marx and he smuggled the former's polemic pamphlet Die grossen Männer des Exils into the hands of the police. Marx subsequently accused him of theft of this manuscript and denounced him as a spy in the New York Criminal-Zeitung of May the 3rd, 1853.
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    International review for social history 1 (1936), S. 1-7 
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    International review for social history 1 (1936), S. 11-11 
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    International review for social history 1 (1936), S. 1-120 
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    Notes: The present study with pauperism, its causes, its prevention and its significance for the social evolution on the West-European continent, endeavours to provide for one of the gaps which social history, seen as a science of the social dynamics prevailing in history, brings to light. The Rhine-territory here is presented as an exceptionally suggestive illustration.This investigation shows that both the social associations which the age of pauperism called up in defence against the distress of the masses, and the revolutionary tendencies are a determinant factor in the birth of the modem type of workman, as well as in the origin of the great West-European labour-organisations of the second half of the nineteenth century (trade-unions, cooperations and parties). The shaping of the Farmers'- and the Artisans'-Movement, particularly in Germany, is decisively influenced by them. This evolution of social associations means for the ruling classes the first attempt at neutralising the inner social tensions of the system of industrial capitalism.Thus the age of pauperism and associations is a period of preparation, of great social-historical importance, without insight into which the later social evolution — upon which our times are based — can be understood and explained in but a very imperfect manner. The investigation of this period again shows the necessity of regarding social history as in independant part of the discipline of the discipline of the social sciences.
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    International review for social history 1 (1936), S. 121-216 
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    Notes: On going deeper into the life-history of Bakunin, it becomes evident that his first stay abroad (1840—1851) had been decisive for the whole of his spiritual development. Of quite special importance are his activities during the revolutionary epoch of 1848/49; this period of his life has hitherto not been considered with the attention it deserves. Bakunin's contributions to the “Dresdner Zeitung” in the months of March to May 1849 have not been explored at all up to the present.The “Dresdner Zeitung was the organ of the Dresden Democrats. It appeared regularly from the 1st Oktober 1848 until the 6th August 1850. From being a fairly moderate paper, it gradually became more radical in 1848/49.Decisive for the volte-face of the paper was the action of Bakunin who was staying in Dresden during the months March/May 1849 and who influenced Ludwig Wittig, one of the editors, to a considerable extent. A radical democrat with socialistic tendencies, already in early March, Wittig developed further and further to the left in the course of the stormy year of 1848. His impressions when in Vienna, where he had been sent by the Saxon democrats in 1848 in order to try arid effectuate the connections with the Vienna movement made him specially receptive for the final conclusions, which Bakunin drew from the events.
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    International review for social history 1 (1936), S. 217-256 
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    Notes: The exceptional interest of Benbow's pamphlet Grand National Holiday and Congress of the Productive Classes has already been stressed by Beer1), Crook2) and Dolléans3) who quote extensive passages.What they communicate, however, does not seem to make a complete reprint of this pamphlet superfluous. Benbow's writings derive their importance not only from their showing us one of the most striking facets of the so many-sided social thinking in the England of the beginning of the nineteenth century, but also, and not least, from their being the first written theory about the general strike. These two considerations justify a reproduction of a pamphlet which is difficult of access to those interested, and certainly so outside England4).
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    International review for social history 1 (1936), S. 257-272 
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    Notes: On his second journey abroad Leo N. Tolstoi took the opportunity of making the acquaintance of Alexander Hertzen. He spent two or three weeks in London and saw him very much.Literature, however, has very few data about their meeting, and thus the letters published here, more or less fill this gap. They had been preserved in that part of Hertzen' archives which his children in the beginning of the year 1880 gave to Professor M. Dragomanow for publication. Together with the latter's other papers, they are now to be found in the Russian Historical Archives in Prague.The letters are of the greatest importance to Tolstoi's biographers, and definitely allow of the exact time being fixed when Tolstoi decided to write a novel entitled; Die Dekabristen, which however, has remained unfinished.This happened in the late autumn of the year 1860 in Florence, where Tolstoi met Prince S. G. Volkonksy who may be regarded as the prototype of Peter Labasov out of the first version of “Die Dekabristen”.Although Hertzen was very keen on Tolstoi's writing this book, he himself unintentionally side-tracked him from the Dekabrists by introducing him to Proudhon. The latter at this time was engaged on his book Der Krieg und der Frieden. Immediately after meeting Proudhon, Tolstoi put aside “Die Dekabristen” and-started his War and Peace.The published letters, moreover, give an explanation of Tolstoi's standpoint towards the mainfesto of 19th February 1861, announcing the liberation of the peasants.
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    International review for social history 1 (1936), S. 371-373 
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    International review for social history 1 (1936), S. 374-383 
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    International review for social history 1 (1936), S. 273-310 
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    Notes: This essay, as a section out of the history of the Newspaper-Press, deals with the collaboration between agitational papers and street-terrorism on the basis of characteristic examples. The author draws a distinction between partial and absolute terrorism. In the case of the former, a minority by means of intimidation with violence, presses the majority and their prominent leaders to political actions which in all human probability they would never have decided upon on their own initiative.The American War of Independence is quoted as an example, or rather the deeds of violence which, as practised by a radical minority, influenced the course of event.A sketch is then given of the importance of the American Press, at that time in its infancy, with regard to the political successes of the young government, both at home and abroad.As an instance of absolute terrorism, the reign of terror of the French Revolution is taken. There the terrorists themselves seized the power. A survey is given of the various agitational papers and their methods, Their development is described up to the institution of a press-dictatorship by Napoleon Bonaparte. Finally the attention is drawn to the causes of the intimidating effect of the War-Press in times of political tension, all of which is based on historical instances taken from the latter half of the 19th century.The essay endeavours to prove that in social-psychological descriptions it frequently occurs that insufficient attention is paid to the part played by coercion and intimidation.The periodical press offers adequate information to permit of ascertaining the leading ideas and their modifications during agitated times. At the same time, its pages reveal the modifications in the views of the leading men and their influence on the masses.Accurate and specialized research on the basis of similar material taken from the history of the Newspaper-Pres, will complete and justify many a theory on mass-passions and mass-disturbances of reason in the field of social psychology.
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    International review for social history 1 (1936), S. 311-370 
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    Notes: Karl Friedrich Köppen was born on the 28th of April, 1808, at Niedergörne, the son of a clergyman. After having attended the Latin School (“Gymnasium”) at Stendal and the Latin Convent school (“Klostergymnasium”) of Magdeburg, he took up the study of divinity in Berlin in the year 1827, but eventually became a teacher. In 1833 he was appointed at a Berlin school. Four years later he wrote a “Literary Introduction into Nordic Mythology” which has retained its value to the present day and the anti-clerical tendency of which revealed him as one of those radical diciples of Hegel who grouped themelves around A Ruge's “Hallische Jahrbücher” Their aim was: “Away from the Christian state and from State-Christendom'” In the “Doktorklub”, the Berlin center of these Young-Hegelians, Köppen mixed with Bruno Bauer and Karl Marx. Under the influence of Marx, the pen of this most prolific of contributors, to the “Jahrbücher” quickly increaed in sharpness. A jubilant publication of 1840, dedicated to his “friend K. H. Marx of Trier”, entitled “Frederick the Great and his adversaries”, proved a publicistic masterpiece which supplied Marx with suggestionss and gained Köppen the recognition of Engels. This publication focussed its secret hopes in the ascent to the throne by Frederick William IV; the Reaction, however, which set in soon after the change of government, crushed the buds of Young-Hegelian idealism.
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    International review for social history 1 (1936), S. 384-396 
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    Bulletin of the British Society for the History of Science 1 (1954), S. 257-258 
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    Bulletin of the British Society for the History of Science 1 (1953), S. 237-238 
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