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  • Articles  (1,206)
  • Cambridge University Press  (1,206)
  • 1960-1964  (736)
  • 1950-1954  (470)
  • Ethnic Sciences  (1,206)
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  • Articles  (1,206)
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  • 1
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 1-8 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
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  • 2
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 513-529 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: In November 1963 the inhabitants of the Transkeian Territories, the largest block of Bantu reserve in the Republic of South Africa, went to the polls to elect representatives for a Legislative Assembly, upon whom the responsibility for the government of this, the first so-called ‘Bantustan’ to achieve a limited form of self-government, is to be laid. The election was the culminating point in a series of changes in the administrative structure of the area which have been characterised by an emphasis on the institution of chieftainship as the basis of local government. After approximately 60 years of rule through magistrates (later supplemented by a system of district councils) the Bantu Authorities Act of 1955 was introduced, giving greatly enhanced powers to the Chiefs, who now became the heads of the tribally-structured Bantu Authorities.
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  • 3
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 491-511 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: A Recebt study by the U.N. Secretariat provides ample proof, if further proof were needed, that the problem of the economic development of the low-income countries cannot be solved without these countries becoming not only producers, but also exporters of manufactured goods, on an important scale.1 At present 86 per cent of the exports of the ‘developing countries’2 consists of primary products, and only 14 per cent of manufactured goods. But the world market for primary commodities expands only slowly, owing to the low income elasticity of demand. This is partly due to the low income elasticity of food consumption in the wealthy countries and the rapid growth of their own agricultural production, and partly to economies in the use of materials in industry and the development of synthetics. Since 1938, the volume of trade in manufactures has more than trebled, while the volume of trade in primary products has increased only by two-thirds.
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  • 4
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 551-564 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: The World Federation of Trade Unions (W.F.T.U.) was one of the most hopeful ventures of all the Communist front organisations. Unlike some of the other fronts the Russians did not create it. They captured the W.F.T.U. after it was established, and had a good start. Once captured, however, the W.F.T.U. represented merely an extension of the pattern of the earlier Red International which had been created by the Comintern following World War I as a vehicle to reach the working masses of the world and rally them to Moscow. But like its predecessor—dissolved in 1937—the W.F.T.U. has also failed to make significant inroads among the workers in western countries and win control over them. While it has affiliates in the west, the French Confédération Générale du Travail (C.G.T.) and the Italian Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro (C.G.I.L.) being the most outstanding examples, the W.F.T.U. does not at all dominate these movements. Rather, control for the most part is exercised through the local Communist parties, some of which, while still very much an integral part of an international apparatus, have won some measure of autonomy from Moscow.1
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  • 5
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 575-577 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Rapid social, economic, and political developments on the continent of Africa since 1950 made it almost impossible for general African Studies Programs in the United States to keep up with new knowledge and events. In order to fill the growing need for more sharply defined Programs, Syracuse University, through the Maxwell Graduate School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, established in September 1962 the East African Studies Program with Dr Fred G. Burke as director.
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  • 6
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 565-571 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: The achievement of independence may tend to dull the interest which African leaders have shown in the organisations that try to influence policy-making in British government. But they should need no reminding that in Britain there are comparatively few means of maintaining an informed body of public opinion about international affairs as a background against which the Government can operate. Colonial policy was frequently left to colonial experts, and the case for African nationalism was argued by a small number of groups such as the Fabian Colonial Bureau, or the Movement for Colonial Freedom.
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  • 7
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 573-575 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: The basic aims of this Institute are the same as those of its sister Institutes in Santiago and Bangkok. Indeed the reasons for their establishment in Latin America and Asia are valid a fortiori in the African setting. A great number of newly emergent states are faced with the inescapable claim for accelerated economic growth, and this in its turn depends upon a considerable extension of public investment and upon the introduction of national economic planning, of a more or less comprehensive kind according to conditions in any particular country.
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  • 8
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 431-432 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: After the last war the Office of Scientific and Technical Research Overseas (O.R.S.T.O.M.), an official French organisation in Paris, set up a network of polyvalent institutes and research centres in French-speaking Africa, in Madagascar, New Caledonia, Tahiti, and Guiana. At the same time it organised a number of centres for specialised training in tropical research to supply its overseas institutes with staff, and asked the university and the French technical services to pay their salaries. This was how the Institut d'études centrafricaines (I.E.C.) came to be set up in 1946, under the direction of Professor L. J. Trochain, its aim being to cover the whole of the former French Equatorial Africa.
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  • 9
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 432-434 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Until a few years ago, applied economic research in Germany was mainly concerned with the industrial countries and their economic growth. Then the problems of the developing countries in Africa, Asia, and South America moved into the forefront of economic research programmes conducted both in the universities and by independent institutes. In 1961, the I.F.O. Institut für Writschaftsforschung (Institute for Economic Research) in Munich, the largest institute of its kind in Germany, which has more than 80 scientifically trained collaborators, set up the Afrika-Studienstelle to investigate the problems of economic development in tropical Africa.
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  • 10
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 434-436 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: This seminar was organised by the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa, in collaboration with the Government of Northern Nigeria, and was held at the Institute of Administration, Zaria. It was the second of a series of U.N. regional seminars on Central Services to Local Authorities. The first was held in Delhi about a year age. A third, in Latin America, will follow next year.The purpose of the seminar was to study the central agencies and institutions needed at the national level (or in a federal system at the state or provincial level) for the improvement of local government, and to assist local authorities by equipping their senior officers to contribute more effectively to local—and national—development.
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  • 11
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 436-437 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: The main theme of this Congress, held in the cité universitaire in Dijon, was the impact of agricultural changes on society in developed and developing countries. The modernisation of agriculture (industrialisation, commercialisation, decrease of manpower, increase of production per capita) is accompanied by a set of changes which affects not only the rural population itself; but also human society as a whole. Technological and economic changes have an influence on cultural and social structure. The Congress aimed to study this influence with emphasis on the effects on society as a whole, and to compare the experiences of developed and developing countries.
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  • 12
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 443-444 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Those interested in the progress of African socialism will welcome the recent decision of the Parti démocratique de Guinée (P.D.G.) to turn the official party organ, Horoya, into a daily newspaper instead of a weekly. This enables Africanists outside the Republic of Guinea to make a closer study of party activities and the evolution of party doctrine. The Government printing press, Imprimerie Patrice Lumumba, began the first daily issues in March 1964.
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  • 13
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 442-443 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: The idea of setting up an all-African Development Bank was first expressed in a resolution passed at the All-African Peoples' Conference held in Tunis in January 1960. This was followed in 1961 by a unanimous resolution of the Economic Commission for Africa, requesting the Executive Secretary ‘to undertake a thorough study of the possibilities of establishing an African development bank’. The following year, E.C.A. established a committee of nine member states (Cameroun, Ethiopia, Guinea, Liberia, Mali, Nigeria, Sudan, Tanganyika, and Tunisia), who were enjoined ‘to make all the necessary governmental and other contacts...to make complete and comprehensive studies into the financial and administrative structure of the proposed bank and into the nature and extent of its operations; to draft a charter... and to make recommendations on its location’.
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  • 14
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 444-447 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: I was attending a conference sponsored by the University of East Africa in Dar es Salaam when the sad news of the death of Professor Potekhin came through. The world community of Africanists has suffered a great loss. The people of Africa have lost one of their most devoted friends.Ivan Potekhin was born of a family of farmers in a small village in Siberia in 1903. No one can say what the destiny of this young Siberian peasant would have been had it not been for the Socialist revolution in Russia in October 1917. He was pulled into the revolutionary whirl and fought with arms to promote its ideals. This period in his life had a decisive role in shaping his political outlook and determining his future. From this time on, the idea of liberating man from political and social injustice became his creed. He devoted all his life to this.
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  • 15
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 449-451 
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  • 16
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  • 17
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 456-457 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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  • 18
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  • 19
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  • 20
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  • 21
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 462-464 
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  • 22
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  • 23
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 307-308 
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  • 24
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 308-310 
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  • 25
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 311-311 
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  • 26
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 312-313 
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  • 27
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 314-314 
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  • 28
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 578-580 
    ISSN: 0022-278X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: The practice of holding conferences of Commonwealth Speakers or Presiding Officers of legislatures and of the Clerks of those legislatures is not as prevalent as one would expect in view of the importance which is attached to the institution of parliament as a bond between Commonwealth countries.For many years India has provided an outstanding example of co-operation in this field. The first conference of Presiding Officers of the various legislatures in that country took place in New Delhi in 1921. Since then these conferences have been held periodically and they have now become a regular annual event. The agenda largely comprises procedural points of interest; no votes are taken and no formal resolutions are adopted. The first conference of Secretaries of legislative bodies in India was held at Gwalior in 1953, and subsequent conferences have been held annually in different states.
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  • 29
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 438-439 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: This conference, under the direction of Dr A. N. Allott of the University of London, was an outstanding success and marked a real development in the consideration of the subject. About half the participants, who numbered just under 40, were from universities in Africa, U.S.A., and Europe; the others were mainly from the government or the judiciary of various African countries. The annual general meeting of the International African Law Association also took place during the week.
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  • 30
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 439-440 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Closer international co-operation at the national level—this was the basic idea behind the resolutions passed by this conference, where overseas volunteers from seven different organisations operating in the United Republic met government officials to discuss the possibilities of more detailed collaboration. The seven were: Mellemfolkeligt Samvirke, the British United Nations Association, Voluntary Service Overseas, Harvard—Project Tanzania, the American Friends Service Committee, Deutscher Entwicklungsdienst, and the United States Peace Corps, which alone has 180 volunteers at work.
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  • 31
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 440-442 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: At the fourth Cambridge conference on development problems, the role of industry was discussed by ministers, senior officials, economic advisers, and business executives, from 22 African, Asian, and Caribbean countries, the United Nations, and the World Bank. Have some, if not all, of Africa's new nations now reached the stage when it would pay them to put their biggest bets on quick industrialisation? Or must they go on putting most of their money and brains into bringing about an agricultural revolution first, before striving for industrial take-off? These questions started the conference off on one of its big themes.
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  • 32
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 468-469 
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  • 33
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 1-7 
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  • 34
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 1-2 
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  • 35
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 189-219 
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    Notes: This analysis of the problem, coming as it does from an Ethiopian, may seem biased against Somalia. Although I shall not claim objectivity, for I am a conscious Ethiopian, I must, nevertheless, state that I have not deliberately omitted or distorted facts to suit Ethiopia's case. My conviction that Ethiopia is in the right is quite apparent. I am equally convinced that it is not in the interest of either country to ignore their vital interdependence.
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  • 36
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 165-188 
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    Notes: Since 1960, the Northern Frontier District of Kenya (N.F.D.) has become the centre of controversy between two African nations—the Somali Republic and Kenya. The area, about 102,000 square miles, includes the dominantly Somali-inhabited Mandera, Wajir, and Garissa Districts and the non-Somali (mainly Galla) districts of Marsabit, Isiolo, and Moyale.1 It consists of a vast, low plateau sloping rather uniformly from 2,000 feet east of Lake Rudolph towards Lamu on the Indian Ocean. Except for the Marsabit mountain region, it is semi-desert, covered by thornbush and useful only for grazing camels, cattle, goats, and sheep. The climate is hot, and the average annual rainfall is less than 12 inches. No commercially exploitable minerals have been found, and the flatness of the land often causes flash floods during and after the two rainy seasons.
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  • 37
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 149-164 
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    Notes: This article indicates the complexity of the social relations of whites and Africans in Southern Africa and the myths by which they rationalise their behaviour.1 The situation is not identical throughout Southern Africa, but there are, as I will show, certain fundamental similarities which validate an over-all analysis in terms of a ‘colonial situation’.2Each of the countries of Southern Africa (the Republic of South Africa, Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia, Nyasaland, the three British High Commission territories of Swaziland, Bechuanaland, and Basutoland, and the Portuguese provinces of Mozambique and Angola) represents a distinct political unit, expressing in its constitution the limits of control and participation permitted to groups which are distinguished according to so-called ‘racial’, ‘ethnic’, or ‘cultural’ differences. There has been a major distinction, explicit in some countries, disguised in others, between a dominant white minority and a subordinate African majority, a division corresponding to the ‘colonisers’ or ‘colonials’ on the one hand, and the ‘colonised’ on the other. But now Nyasaland has become independent Zambia, and Northern Rhodesia will achieve independence in October 1964.
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  • 38
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 221-246 
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    Notes: The accusation that Britain neglected the three High Commission territories of Basutoland, Bechuanaland, and Swaziland, especially during the inter-war period, is a common one, both in standard works on the subject and in current controversies over their future. It has been alleged that an important reason for this neglect was the assumption made by successive British governments that their future status was uncertain, particularly in view of South Africa's repeated claim that the territories were geographically part of the Union, largely dependent on the latter's economy, and therefore should be transferred to South Africa's jurisdiction.1 In this article an attempt will be made to test the truth of these assertions in so far as there is evidence for a considered judgment.
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  • 39
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 247-263 
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    Notes: It is commonly claimed by critics both within Nigeria and outside that, while the present Government preaches political non-alignment, it does not practise it, and indeed cannot because of Nigeria's economic alignment with the west. The present article seeks to assess the validity of this thesis. Three separate propositions are involved: first, that Nigeria professes but does not pursue a policy of non-alignment; secondly, that Nigeria is economically tied to the west; and finally, and most important, that there is a causal connexion between the two.
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  • 40
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 279-285 
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    Notes: Historians sometimes claim to be making their own modest contribution to the African revolution by re-establishing the identity of Africa's pre-colonial past. But it should not be thought that the relevance of their work to modern Africa can end there, nor even that this is the most difficult of the adjustments of perspective which they will need to make. Now that the colonial flags are coming down, European and African historians will need to look back—so far as is humanly possible, without anger—and try to answer the question of how the Europeans came to be there as rulers. (An even more difficult task, still not seriously begun, will be to appraise the lasting historical importance of their rule.)
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  • 41
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 112-113 
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    Notes: Many readers of this Journal will be familiar with the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute, either through personal contact or through its publications. Situated a few miles outside Lusaka, the capital of Northern Rhodesia, the Institute has during the 25 years of its existence become one of the foremost centres of anthropological and sociological research, and by its publications has made Northern Rhodesia one of the best-documented areas in the continent of Africa.
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  • 42
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 99-110 
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    Notes: There was a considerable increase in the number of African countries compiling national accounts during the 1950's; ‘what was once the happy hunting ground of the independent research worker has become the routine preoccupation of official statisticians and international Civil Servants.’1 A comparison of the methods of calculation in use was speeded up when the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa was established, and the International Association for Research in Income and Wealth (made up of national accounts workers in different countries) sponsored a regional conference for Africa in January 1961. Official statisticians at that conference proceeded immediately to a U.N.E.C.A. meeting and considered the role national accounts calculations could play in Africa, and how far a standardised system was possible. This article reviews the published papers considered at the I.A.R.I.W. conference, and other relevant publications recently becoming available.2
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 117-118 
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    Notes: The sixth annual meeting of the African Studies Association, the leading American academic society of specialists on Africa, was the first to be held on the west coast. Although attendance could not be expected to match that at meetings in the east, a registration of over 250 testifies to the increasing strength of African studies in America. Quite a few of the founders of the Association were present, but the participation of many newcomers suggested that a second generation of American Africanists was bringing new vigour and insights to the field. Several visiting African scholars made notable contributions to the meeting.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 114-117 
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    Notes: Over the past few years many arguments have been exchanged between partisans of multilateral aid to developing countries and those who prefer bilateral forms of co-operation. Multilateral programmes are often accused of inefficiency and waste owing to international bureaucracy and political complications, and bilateral agreements just as often are suspected of covering up for neo-colonialism. In the meantime a new kind of multi-national aid programme has appeared. Sometimes these are on government level, like the joint educational programmes of the Nordic countries in Tanganyika; sometimes there is co-operation between non-governmental organisations in different donor countries.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 113-114 
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    Notes: The main aim of the social affairs section of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, in organising this workshop, was to analyse the economic aspects of the situation of women in African urban areas, and their importance in general economic development. Twenty-four women had been invited from as many African countries, representing the whole range of modern activities; 14 of them came, with another 10 representing the various regions of Nigeria, and more than 50 observers.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 118-120 
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    Notes: While most African countries have no real cause for alarm concerning narcotic drug addiction and illicit trafficking, the possibilities for the future in such a huge and rapidly changing area call for the utmost vigilance. Only in this way can the tragedy of large-scale addiction which has afflicted other wide regions of the world be avoided. Urbanisation, internal migration, and detribalisation are factors which might well sow the seeds of future trouble. The United Nations therefore organised this regional seminar, the first of its kind in Africa, as part of its programme of technical assistance in narcotics control.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 1-2 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 471-489 
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    Notes: The correct starting point in the analysis of any economic unit is to pose the following three questions: What are the needs of the people? What resources are available? How adequately are these resources being mobilised for these needs ?1These questions are applicable to a continent or a country (or for that matter a county, a city, or a village); they can also be applied to the world as a whole. If they are, a picture emerges which, if it does not appal us, because it is so familiar and so easily taken for granted, would certainly astonish a visitor from another planet. The basic human needs for nourishment and for protection from the weather are not great, and the resources known to be available could, with current levels of technique, easily permit a comfortable living standard for everyone. Yet these resources are very largely unexploited or wasted, and miserable poverty is the typical human condition.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 531-549 
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    Notes: For those who follow African events closely it is the phenomenon of nationalism which attracts greatest attention. It was a rising sense of national identity which threw off the colonial yoke, and this ongoing creation and exaltation of culture and society at the national level can either foster or frustrate the creation of viable political units. We are therefore obliged to keep abreast of African nationalism if we are to understand the course of events and forecast the shape of things to come in this developing continent.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 577-578 
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    Notes: The Centre of West African Studies has been in full operation since October 1964. Its staff is as follows: J. D. Fage, M.A., Ph.D. (Director and Professor of African History); P. C. Lloyd, M.A., B.Sc., D.Phil. (Senior Lecturer in Sociology); D. Rimmer, B.A. (Lecturer in Economics); R. E. Bradbury, B.A., Ph.D. (Lecturer in Social Anthropology); K. W. J. Post, M.A. (Lecturer in Political Science); A. G. Hopkins, B.A., Ph.D. (Assistant Lecturer in Economic History). A number of other members of the University of Birmingham are closely associated with the work of the Centre, including D. W. J. Johnson, M.A., B.Litt. (History); R. E. Wraith, C.B.E., B.Com. (Local Government); W. B. Morgan, M.A., Ph.D., and R. P. Moss, B.Sc., Ph.D. (Geography); and R. H. F. Dalton, B.A. (Education).
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 580-581 
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    Notes: Under the auspices of the U.S. Department of State, the Ford Foundation, Georgetown University, and the African-American Institute, more than 75 scholars and other specialists convened at the Shoreham Hotel, Washington, D.C., to exchange views on problems of political and social change in francophone Africa, and to discuss them with a much wider audience of government officials and diplomats from Africa, Western Europe, Canada, and the United States. The programme, the first of its kind ever held in the United States, was organised and directed by Dr William H. Lewis of Georgetown University.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 591-594 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 584-586 
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    Notes: The Poets' conference held under the auspices of the Berlin Festival had the same theme as that of the entire festival this year, Africa's contribution and relation to the arts and culture of Europe. It is at once debatable whether a conference can decide what culture is: whether culture can be talked about across a table among 70 men and women from different parts of the world via tri-lingual instantaneous translations and other kinds of static that fill the air at such times. To appreciate the even subtler intervention of Africa into western culture, in these circumstances, might prove to be impossible. Fortunately conferences have a way of finding their working levels, even though these may not always coincide with the subject assigned them.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 587-590 
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    Notes: Because it is easy to dramatise the stuff of politics, Pan-Africanism is usually discussed only in terms of its political implications. But its protagonists justify their confidence in its value by their belief that functional co-operation on a regional and continental basis offers the best—perhaps the only—way of meeting the social and economic challenges facing the nascent modern African societies. For them, therefore, the real test of Pan-Africanism's success lies not simply in whether the independent African states can succeed in maintaining a single political organisation such as the Organisation of African Unity, but whether it is capable of making an effective contribution towards improving and strengthening Africa's economies and societies. The O.A.U.'s specialised commissions are, therefore, of crucial importance in evaluating the achievements, or potentialities, of Pan-Africanism.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 582-584 
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    Notes: The chairman of the conference, who presided at the opening session, was Rashidi Kawawa, Second Vice-President ofthe United Republic of Tanzania. The conference was fortunate to have an East African Minister as discussion leader at each of its plenary sessions; and it was particularly valuable that the three Tanzania Ministers of State, A. Z. N. Swai, A. H. Jamal, and A. M. Babu, were able to devote so much time to participating in the work of the conference. Each of the three East African countries sent a strong team of Ministers, Members of Parliament, and civil servants; particularly notable contributions were made by J. G. Kiano, Minister for Commerce and Cooperatives in the Government of Kenya, and C. Obwangor, Minister for Justice for Uganda. The three wings of the University of East Africa were formidably represented; and there were observers from the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (Addis Ababa), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (Paris), the Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry of East Africa, the U.S.A.I.D., and the Ford Foundation, without whose financial generosity the conference could not have taken place. Finally, there was a selection of ‘specialists’ from overseas: Nicholas Kaldor from Cambridge, William Clark from the Overseas Development Institute in London, Vladimir Martynov from the Institute of World Economy and International Affairs in Moscow, George Skorov from the International Institute for Educational Planning in Paris, M. R. Shroff, Deputy Economic Adviser to the Government of India, whose contribution was generally regarded as quite outstanding, and myself, a sort of governmental wolf in academic sheep's clothing.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 594-596 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 596-598 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 1-4 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 329-349 
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    Notes: Africa is a vast continent. It embraces nearly one-fourth of the land surface of the earth. The last decade has witnessed a profound transformation of its political landscape. Thirty-four countries have attained their independence. The rest of the continent will soon be governed by its people. The broad sweep of the surge towards independence has belied those predictions of only a decade ago that the political transition to independence in Africa would take a long time. This has already come about. But the continent yet remains mostly ill-fed, ill-clad, ill-housed, and illiterate. The popular pressure to overcome the age-old afflictions of mankind—poverty, disease, and lack of knowledge—is mounting. The new African governments are beginning their first faltering steps towards the economic transition from poverty to relative affluence.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 351-363 
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    Notes: There has been a marked change in recent years in the climate of ideas about industrialisation in developing economies and it is fortunately no longer necessary to argue in favour of industrialisation in opposition to another approach to economic development. Yet it is still necessary to continue to state the basic case, particularly since Africa is industrially the least developed of all the continents. The doctrine that industry is the key to economic development is of comparatively recent origin. Its antecedents are the writings of Professor G. Myrdal and Dr R. Prebisch and the practical achievements of the U.S.S.R. and Japan.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 379-393 
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    Notes: Well over 50 years ago, John Mensah Sarbah, a Gold Coast lawyer, romantically described the traditional social order in these terms: ‘In the African social system the formation of a pauper class is unknown, nor is there antagonism of class against class.’1 Similar views still prevail throughout most of Africa and the western world. Moreover, a rationale based on this ostensible ‘classlessness’ is employed by Africa's leaders to justify single-party rule and the repression of dissident elements in society, and to explain and defend policies of African socialism.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 365-377 
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    Notes: There is an understandable tendency to think that the first overt action taken by the British Government in respect of colonial education in Africa was the setting up of an Advisory Committee on Native Education in the British Tropical African Dependencies in 1923. This is not in fact true. There was for instance a Privy Council memorandum of 1847 on ‘industrial schools for coloured races’, in many ways a remarkable document, setting forth a number of ideas that were to be later accepted in colonial provision for education in Africa—ideas such as the interdependence of moral and physical training, the need for the school to make an impact on the local community in respect of agricultural development and improved sanitation, the need to adapt the content of the curriculum to local needs, and the advisability of the teacher being familiar with the local culture. And of course British experience in education in India provided some terms of reference for educationists in other parts of the world ruled by Britain. Often they tended to treat the Indian experience as a warning of what to avoid: for instance, it was believed that the use of English as a medium of instruction, as recommended in Macaulay's minute of 1833, might have contributed to the Mutiny of 1857; and also the structure of Indian education was considered rather top-heavy, following the establishment of universities whose students became leaders in the movements of political discontent. These “lessons’ were to be incorporated in British thinking about education in Africa in the following century.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 395-403 
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    Notes: Numerous writers—ethnologists, linguists, educators, and lately literary critics and African creative writers themselves—have called attention to the problems of communication either from African to European or vice versa. The problems range from purely linguistic inequivalence in literal translations to the inequivalence between words and their referents in the cultures described, and further to the manifold difficulties of educators or writers wishing to develop successful communication between themselves and their audiences.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 405-413 
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    Notes: Boys shook their heads a number of times while girls covered their faces with white handkerchiefs as the pathetic story of Congolese first Prime Minister, Patrice Lumumba, was read out to a crowded audience by PYC dramatic group at the Lagos City College, Yaba, last Sunday.This notice, describing the staging of a play by a youth club run by a Lagos newspaper, the West African Pilot, appeared in that newspaper on 31 March 1962.1 All over Africa Patrice Lumumba's meteoric rise and tragic death caught the imagination of men and women in all walks of life, and more especially that of the young. In Nigeria, however, this reaction is of particular interest. First of all, the news of Lumumba's murder in February 1961 provoked 'anti-white' rioting in a country where race relations had not been an overt issue for a decade. Demonstrations outside the United States Embassy in Lagos, the Federal capital, led to indiscriminate attacks on Europeans resulting in much damage to cars and serious injury to several individuals.2
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 419-430 
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    Notes: Cuba's revolution is one of the genuine revolutions of our century. By the scope, depth, and irreversibility of the changes wrought, it has ushered in a new era in the history of the Americas and is as epochal an event as the American declaration of independence. Two outstanding works, the first by two British academics and two Latin Americans,1 the other by a distinguished French agronomist, Africanist, and adviser to the Cuban Government,2 have done much to illuminate the past, immediate, and future problems of the first American nation to embark on the lines of socialist development. These authors have for the first time assembled and synthesised dispassionately a prodigious amount of data concerning the economic life of this controversial nation; and they have managed to avoid the passions of the cold war. The two works are harmoniously dovetailed; the first treats its subject historically and analytically since the turn of the century, the second deals with the institutional strengths and weaknesses that have emerged since the revolution, and takes the story up to the end of 1963 and the appearance of ‘socialist monoculture’.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 287-289 
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    Notes: African studies at Northwestern University will enter a new phase of their history in September 1964, when Professor Gwendolen M. Carter takes up her post as director of the Program and Herskovits Professor of African Studies. The new appointment coincides with an expanding intellectual involvement of the faculty with the developing countries of the world, which have been somewhat neglected by scholarship, and the future goals of the Program are closely related to this wider academic development. First, however, a note on the background.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 265-277 
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    Notes: An understanding of Tanganyika's economy must begin with the bleak geographical facts. In 1945 an area of some 343,000 square miles, larger than France and Britain together, supported a mere seven million people. The size and distribution of this population resulted from an oppressive physical environment over which remarkably little human control was exerted. One example of this was man's subservience to the tsetse fly, which—as a result rather than a cause of under-population1— infested some 60 per cent of the land. Even more serious were the hazards of a rainfall that exhibited all the vices—inadequate and irregular in its geographical distribution, capricious in its seasonal visitations. Prolonged periods of drought were common everywhere except at the coast and near Lakes Victoria and Nyasa. As the overwhelming majority of the people were subsistence producers, the incidence of rainfall was a principal and variable determinant of economic welfare. Thus, for example, 1946 was a bad year; there were food shortages in every province and in some areas the Government had to organise famine relief. The rice crop failed almost completely, maize was grievously affected, and even sorghum and millet, the most drought-resistant of grain crops, were sufficient for only half the year. In the following year rainfall was heavy and well distributed; indeed in the Highlands it was excessive, destroying crops through flood and disease. But generally harvests were the biggest since 1943 and ‘a long back-log of tribal ceremonies’ was elebrated.2
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 289-290 
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    Notes: Up to World War II, Germany was a major centre for the development of African studies, arising out of her colonial interests and general academic traditions. African studies were among the casualties of the Nazi catastrophe; and even the more recent revival of German interest in Africa is handicapped by the continued division of the country. Thus, while the West German Federal Republic has been the more active in building economic and cultural ties with the new African states, it is in East Germany that academics have given greater prominence to Africa.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 314-316 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 316-318 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 319-320 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 318-319 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 320-321 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 321-323 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 323-324 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 324-327 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 1-5 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 1-8 
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    Notes: KENYA became the 34th independent state in Africa on 12 December 1963, after perhaps the longest drawn-out campaign between nationalism and immigrant interests yet seen in British colonial history in Africa. If this bitter struggle has left deep and permanent scars on the body politic, in the form of racial hatred, entrenched tribalism, and a climate of violence, it bodes ill for Kenya's future. In the belief that an observer may most satisfactorily take a country's temperature, and gauge the condition of such scars, at election time, we have written the following brief study of the elections for the Senate (41 seats), the House of Representatives (129 seats), and six of the seven Regional Assemblies,1 held in Kenya between 18 and 26 May 1963. We hope that our varied experience in Kenya may help give readers a taste of the real flavour of the country at this important juncture, in a way that undiluted tables of statistics could not possibly do.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 55-63 
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    Notes: If my own experience is at all typical, probably most students concerned with the influence of Islam in the modern world occasionally experience total doubt about their approach to the subject. Can one still justify putting such emphasis on the role of Islam as a historical continuum? Rather, since the nineteenth century, the period of the intensive ‘impact of the west’, haven't there been so many institutional changes that we have reached a real watershed, a breaking point with past history and with past categories of thought designed to explain that history? Shouldn't we de-emphasise Islam as a vital factor in the equation of the modern Arab world and of North Africa? Isn't it a mistake to put so much emphasis on the Islamic heritage?
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 41-54 
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    Notes: THIS article attempts to relate some of the ideas put forward by Professor Hans Morgenthau in his Politics Amongst Nations (New York, 1949) to the world position of South Africa, and then essays some more general reflections on the Republic's external situation today.Such a study should normally begin with an historical introduction, but South Africa's recent history is, perhaps, well enough known for this to be dispensed with, and for my present purposes it will suffice to recall that South Africa was recognised as a sovereign state after World War I, when she was a separate signatory of the Treaty of Versailles and of the League Covenant. There were, of course, constitutional developments after that which led first to the weakening and then to the breaking of the Commonwealth tie, but this did not affect South Africa's formal relations with foreign states. Her relationship with Britain was of great but decreasing importance; but from the standpoint of other powers this importance was political rather than constitutional, for South Africa could be influenced through the British connexion much as Panama can be influenced through the U.S.A.1
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 65-72 
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    Notes: Tribe is a dirty word nowadays. Not to me of course, but particularly, as you know, to a great many African intellectuals and politicians. No wonder they don't like it when one thinks of the terrifying things that have happened in Kenya and the Congo, with elections in Nigeria going along tribal lines, and in the Republic the Bantustans encouraging the worst kinds of tribalism. There is a positive and a negative kind of tribalism, as Tom Mboya very sensibly says in his book Freedom and After; however, most people concentrate on the negative side. But you and I together might have a look at this word-this concept-and see whether there may not be another and better future for it. You know quite well that part of my feeling about our own tribe comes from my being partly Highland and knowing in myself the warm feeling that we in the Highland area have towards our own and our related clans, however much we may laugh at it and pretend it is all part of a bad past. This warm feeling clears the first hurdle towards mutual understanding, perception, and some kind of loyalty-basic human needs.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 73-90 
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    Notes: The map of Africa was once notorious for bearing the various colours of the European colonial powers. Today the map of post-independence Africa is newly and neatly divided between the 18 independent African states which have chosen to become associated by treaty with the European Economic Community (E.E.C.) or Common Market, and the 16 independent African states which have either rejected such an association or—as with Egypt, Ethiopia, Liberia, Libya, South Africa, and the Sudan—were never offered the possibility of becoming associated.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 91-98 
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    Notes: Although Liberia is the oldest African republic, its economy is still young and growing. The road of independence has been uphill, lonely, and difficult. During Liberia's early decades of independence, the British and French were antagonistic towards what they considered a threat to their colonial ambitions as well as a refutation of the assumption that the black African was incapable of self-government. Across the Atlantic, Liberia's unofficial mother country, the United States, was still in the isolationist period of its history; its gestures of friendship were few and cautious. Nor did Liberia have easy-term foreign aid programmes to provide quick remedies for financial crises. Pleas for aid fell upon the cars of unsympathetic bankers. For the first 80 years or more, each of Liberia's several loans was used to repay the last. The battle was for survival, leaving little opportunity for development.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 111-112 
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    Notes: The Political Studies Centre is one of the four divisions of the University's Institut de recherches économiques et sociales (I.R.E.S.). The other three are: Le Centre de recherches économiques, Le Centre de études sociologiques, Le Centre d'éperfectionnement en gestion des affaires. I.R.E.S., at present under the direction of Professor H. Leclercq, was founded by means of grants from the Ford Foundation in 1958, but developed into its present form in 1962, with the creation of its four divisions. The Institute publishes. Notes et documents de I's I.R.E.S. (duplicated, 1960 onwards), and a review, Cahiers économiques et sociaux (every two months, 1963 onwards).
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 581-582 
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    Notes: This three-day seminar was held under the auspices of the University of Edinburgh's Department of Political Economy and Centre of African Studies. It was organised by Ian G. Stewart, Reader in Economics and Vice-Convener of the Centre of African Studies Committee, and was attended by some 40 African, American, and British economists concerned with trade and development prospects for African primary commodities. Included among the invited participants were academic and government economists from Ghana, Nigeria, the Sudan, and East Africa, as well as from the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa and research centres in Britain and the U.S.A.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 600-602 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 602-604 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 607-609 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 609-613 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 615-617 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 1-9 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 617-619 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 461-462 
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 291-292 
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    Notes: This Association was founded in 1958 as a meeting point for all American scholars seriously interested in African affairs, and it is now one of the most active organisations in the field. African study in the United States started much earlier, with the pioneering field work of Melville Herskovits, the interest of Lincoln University in the education of young Africans, and the first steps by W. E. B. Du Bois to create a Pan-African movement. During World War II, there were attempts to organise an international conference on Africa. Most academic interest, however, dates from the late 1940's, when the Carnegie Corporation of New York extended its programme of grants to universities for area studies to include the African field, gave funds for fellowships and sent groups of mature scholars to Africa for ‘look-see’ tours. In the 1950's, the Ford Foundation made major grants to Northwestern, Boston, and Howard Universities, and established a field training fellowship programme under which a majority of the younger Africanists now active in the United States have been trained. Other university programmes have followed; there are now more than 20.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 294-295 
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    Notes: In East and Central Africa considerable investment in physical capital is now being made. This must be matched by investment in human capital, if the full benefit is to be gained. Professor John Lewis, of the University of London, stressed ‘The Place of Adult Education in Education Development Planning’ in his contribution to this conference. Educating children will produce results in six to ten years' time. Educational investment in adults can produce results more quickly. But at present the effort to educate adults, such as it is, is spread over many agencies. For significant results adult education must be integrated into a country's general development plan.
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    The @journal of modern African studies 2 (1964), S. 292-294 
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    Notes: It is not easy to describe the objects, still less the activities, of the Africa Bureau in a few words. It is one of those organisations whose ambitions and influence are much greater than its physical size.If you look at the dominating purpose behind the activities of the past 12 years, you will find it in the Bureau's sympathy with and determination to promote African independence. It was established in 1952 to provide accurate information particularly on the aims and hopes of African nationalism, to oppose unfair discrimination, and to encourage development in Africa. The need for such an organisation in Britain had been recognised primarily by Rev. Michael Scott, who on returning from South Africa sought help from people in Britain for the African people of South West Africa. An informal group advising on the intricate political and constitutional issues involved in bringing South West Africa's plight before the United Nations provided the nucleus from which the Africa Bureau grew, and since 1948, Michael Scott, honorary director of the Bureau, has attended the U.N. and given evidence as personal representative of Chief Hosea Kutako of the Hereros.
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