ALBERT

Notes: Abstract An analysis of the way in which primary age children design, particularly when working with a professional designer, suggests that there are several similarities in approach between the two. This observation is supported by evidence from developmental psychology, which has stressed the crucial role which ‘play’ performs in developing children's inventiveness and ability to solve problems. Subsequent research focusing on children's designing suggests that this play is fundamental to designing activity, and extends naturally into the more formalised activities of drawing and modelling. Through playing and using narrative language to describe their actions, children are learning to interpret their own mental images. To develop these images and make them more concrete children use their hands in drawing and modelling whilst drawing on their accumulated personal knowledge about the activity of designing, in a similar way to that in which professional designers make use of their own, highly sophisticated skills to bring an idea to concrete fruition. By comparison with some of the rigid models of ‘the design process’ described in schools, designers and children may have more in common than we realise.

Notes: Abstract This study reports on students' engineering-related discourses before and after a unit which focused on children's development of tool-related and discursive practices in the domain of structural engineering. Video-and audiotaped small and large-group interviews, student-produced artifacts, and videotaped small and large group activities in a mixed Grade 4/5 class constituted the data sources. Comparison of students' engineering-related images and talk before and after the instructional unit revealed considerable differences. The study has implications for the design of learning environments in which developing language-inuse is fostered rather than parroting teacher-and textbook-framed definitions.

Notes: Abstract Quantitative methods for evaluating the environmental impact of products are receiving considerable attention. Software is being developed to enable analysis of many aspects of a product's life cycle—from materials' extraction, through manufacture, to use and disposal. Less attention is being paid to the qualitative aspects of products and their significance in addressing environmental concerns. Here, the argument is made for including qualitative evaluations as an important facet of product environment assessment. Such evaluations are essential if significant progress is to be made in alleviating the adverse environmental effects of products. Combined with quantitative analyses, the two approaches become mutually supportive and, ultimately, inseparable. Qualitative environmental assessments can be applied to existing products and at every stage of the design process. Their adoption within the context of professional practice will be fostered by their inclusion, formulation and discussion within design education. This paper describes the basis and nature of these qualitative judgments, and places the qualitative and quantitative in a unified context which points towards more sustainable ways of living. The use of ‘scenarios’ is discussed as a tool for academic design projects in order to address the complex relationships which might otherwise seem overwhelming to the design student.

Notes: Abstract Attitudes play an important role in guiding and predicting future actions. In Hong Kong, where traditional attitudes regarding female and male roles often clash with more-modern influences, students' negative or positive attitudes toward technology have obvious implications for their participatory role in society. This paper reports on a study of Hong Kong Pupils' Attitudes Toward Technology. Items in a survey distributed to nearly 3,500 junior secondary school students were used to gauge their attitudes toward several areas of technology. Questions related to parents' careers and domestic influences were also asked. The analysis revealed that significant differences existed between girls and boys in many of the items. For instance, the importance of taking technical subjects such as Design & Technology (D&T) was found to be significant in their attitudes about technology being an activity for both genders. Similarly, students' interest in technology, attitudes about technology in the school curriculum, and ideas about careers related to technology showed significant differences between girls and boys. Given the results of the study, changes in Hong Kong's secondary school D&T are proposed. Current strategies being developed in Hong Kong's D&T teacher preparation programs are also outlined.

Notes: Abstract The PATT (Pupils’ Attitude Towards Technology) questionnaire, as validated for the USA, was used to assess and analyse South African learners’ attitudes towards technology. The responses of 500 girls and 510 boys, from the Gauteng Province in South Africa, were analysed using a principal component and a principal factor analysis. The explained variance was rather low and indicated that the questionnaire needed adaptation for the South African context. The outcomes of the research were positive in that there were no significant differences regarding the gender attitudes that ‘technology should be for all’ and that ‘technology makes contributions to society’. The fact that girls have a stronger gender discrimination view related to themselves regarding technology needs to be addressed in future curriculum development issues.

Notes: Abstract Psychologists have shown that knowledge can be acquired independent of practical action, by observing and imitating others and by extracting knowledge from vicarious experiences coded in text. Yet experiential learning theorists suggest that real learning takes a practical event to embody it. In schools we ask our students to learn through study. This paper examines a concept of learning in which personal experience is the base or framework for learning. Oundle Public School has a tradition of learning through technology workshops. Using the case study and narrative research traditions, the author illuminates the philosophy behind this orientation. The period of history which spawned the orientation has many parallels to the information revolution we are witnessing today. The response by the headmaster then, including the curriculum policy and implementation issues which relate to it, are central to the debates and responses which characterize curriculum change now. The philosophy that gives Oundle its reputation in technological education is visited, the lessons it imparts are reviewed.

Notes: Abstract This article describes research done among M. Eng. students in several faculties of the Eindhoven University of Technology into their abilities to integrate nontechnical (social) elements in the research that led to their M. Eng. theses. It was found that these students often lacked research skills (the abilities to define the research problem, to comment upon research methodology, to reflect upon research outcomes). As a result, they also tended to neglect social factors relevant to their engineering research. Recommendations to improve this situation are formulated for the curriculum of engineering education programmes.

Notes: Abstract Technology is a force that reshapes society, the dominant organizer which fundamentally changes everything. It provides material comforts and benefits but can change social patterns and values. Major innovations are happening simultaneously, stretching biological, mental and social adaptation to the limit. Technological decision making relies on an equal focus on three areas: resources (knowledge and information), expression (skills and practices) and responsibility (values and ethics). Decisions cannot be left to the ‘blackbox’ stage when functioning is effectively hidden from view and the technology has entered our culture. Similarly, participation in decision making cannot be left to a select few but must be the role of every citizen. Ensuring full participation in decisions should form the central role of technology education if it is finally to be recognized as a full member of the ‘general education club’. All students must be able to reflect, develop ethical standards and demonstrate how values are expressed through technology.

Notes: Abstract Characteristics of teamwork in modern organizations and workplaces are examined, in order to extrapolate the means for imparting teamwork skills within technology education. Goals and tasks for the team, team composition, team-player styles, phases of team development, communication and interpersonal skills, decision making, leadership, and evaluation of team performance are discussed. Teamwork skills are acquired gradually as a result of experience. Mere provision of a joint task to a group of people does not produce teamwork spontaneously. In order to promote teamwork, technological tasks at school need to include considerable degrees of freedom and decision-making by pupils. When the teacher becomes a facilitator of the process, instead of being primarily a source of knowledge and a decision-maker, team members can determine the assignment of roles in the group by themselves. Evaluation of teamwork in technology education is an integral part of ‘alternative assessment’.

Notes: Abstract Construction-based activity in schools is an essential part of the design and technology curriculum. This paper examines issues behind the evolution of construction kit based activity with a particular focus on some of the individuals who have invented construction kits in the course of the last two hundred years. Consideration has been given to the range of possible influences in their lives that may have shaped the creation of new kits -- especially childhood experiences with contemporary early construction kits. The historical development and properties of construction kits are mainly explored from a structural perspective.

Notes: Abstract In secondary schools in England and Wales, Design and Technology may be taught through various organisational structures. Some are essentially integrated approaches in which contributory subject areas cooperate closely in working on a common theme. Others are specialist where contributory areas work independently. A third group represents a federal approach which, in essence, is a compromise between these. Sixty teachers (twenty from each kind of organisational structure) assessed the work of three 14-year-old students working on three different designing and making tasks. Even though they were familiar with the kind of assessment expected and had descriptions of particular levels of attainment, their assessments showed wide variations. Furthermore, teachers in specialist organisations tended to value one task over another while those in integrated organisations reversed the order of favour. The response of those in federal organisations tended to fall between the others. These differences might be explained on the basis of differences in subcultural norms regarding what constitutes the proper domain of design and technology activity. Some implications of this for assessing and moderating work in design and technology are discussed.

Notes: Abstract British and American discourses and experiences with respect to technology education are compared. Out of this comparison important issues are identified that have implications for the larger ongoing conversation on technology beyond these countries. They include the role of the state in establishing and validating the subject, the dual claims of technology literacy and technological capability, and dual curricular approaches — content and process.

Notes: Abstract This paper discusses the potential of Design and Technology (D&T) as an environment for collaborative problem solving. Peer collaboration is considered to be a valuable learning mechanism but has not generally been exploited by teachers or explored by researchers in this context. D&T is unique in involving procedural problem-solving activity where talk between peers relates to physical manipulation and feedback and both concrete models and graphical representations play an important mediating role. The role of teachers is central to our discussion, particularly their task structuring, agendas and pedagogic strategies for supporting learning through collaboration; these have been underplayed in much of the general research literature on collaboration. Our discussion works towards a framework for analysing collaborative problem-solving activity in D&T, building on sociocultural perspectives and deriving additional insights into pupils' social and cognitive strategies from the literature on classroom talk.

Notes: Conclusion Academic freedom is thus a complex ideal, and I have argued that in many respects it has a more limited application than some of its protagonists seem to believe. Many of the arguments for it, moreover, are not peculiar to academics and universities. We would therefore be well advised to take seriously Eric James' injunction “to think less of universities as having rights to additional and peculiar liberties, and to regard them more as places where the essential liberties of a civilised state find strongest champions, champions, moreover, who by reason of the intellectual strength which they possess, and the intellectual integrity which they defend, have a particular responsibility”.36 But it is beyond rational doubt that the continuation of civilised states as civilised depends on the maintenance of, among other things, academic freedom, and particularly of what I have called scholarly freedom.

Notes: Conclusions The “centre-periphery” relationship historically structured scientific exchanges between metropolis and province, between the fount of empire and its outposts. But the exchange, if regarded merely as a one-way flow of scientific information, ignores both the politics of knowledge and the nature of its appropriation. Arguably, imperial structures do not entirely determine scientific practices and the exchange of knowledge. Several factors neutralise the over-determining influence of politics—and possibly also the normative values of science—on scientific practice. In examining these four examples of Indian scientists in encounters with their peers at the centre, exceptional scientists are seen in a social context where the epistemology of science supposedly describes its practice. Imperialism imposes practices and patronage, which moderate the exchange of scientific knowledge. But, at Level Two, the politics of knowledge and the patterns of patronage within it mediate exchanges between the centre and the periphery. The first step in reconfiguring exchanges between centre and periphery —in this case, between Europe and India during the period 1850 to 1930— is to recognise the relation between the acquisition of resources and the maintenance of legitimacy and identity.67 Political life is not confined to the core of political institutions.68 Second, in examining science as practised in the colonies, it is necessary to see stages of scientific institutions, whose development structures the exchange. From the encounter of Ramchandra and De Morgan, it is evident that the centre-periphery framework should be separated from the models of transmission embedded within it. The notion of “translation” helps to suggest that scientists bring personal motives and meanings to each encounter. Ramchandra, for example, sought a novel method of teaching Indians calculus, while De Morgan's interest lay in finding a place for algebra in a liberal education. The hierarchy inherent in the centre-periphery framework compels the conclusion that, at Level Two, the autodidact outside the institutions of science must have his work presented to scientists at the centre by authoritative figures from the centre. This is not mainly a question of imperialism, but rather of patronage. The peripheral scientist could not be granted direct entry into the collegial circle until his efforts at the periphery could be translated into the language and concerns of the central community. Ramanujan's enigmatic formulas were translated into the language of analysis by Hardy, which enabled the creation of a field to which Hardy was committed. Scientists from the periphery who were already part of the circle by virtue of their training, were not necessarily subject to the same degree of attestation as other scientists from the periphery. P.C. Ray, with his DSc from Edinburgh, and his position at Calcutta University, had less difficulty in winning the trust of colleagues at the centre, even when he returned to India. On the contrary, remaining at the periphery, he moved from a context of patronage to a sphere of competition. In addition, Ray's collegiality, even at Level Two, was more comprehensive, and connected him with Level One. Eventually, the professional Indian science graduate found collegiality within the international community of scientists. Saha's self-imposed progressive nationalism constrained his identification with the centre and made him a potential competitor instead. Once having achieved eminence in the world of science, C.V. Raman and Saha shifted their work to journals of physics published in India in order to further the cause of physics research in their own country.69 To go beyond the limitations of the centre-periphery model, it is necessary not merely to examine exchanges between scientists functioning in a “shared epistemological universe”,70 but also to recognise the part played by institutions, the experience of colonialism, and the forms of patronage characterising both colonialism and science. Put another way, although there is relative epistemological autonomy within the disciplinary research communities of science, the interplay between knowledge and power structures this exchange. The scientific links between colonial India and Britain at the turn of the century were mediated by structures which prefigured change. Does structure determine all? If it does, we are left with an Orientalist reconstruction of the docile native, and a passive cultural medium into which science percolates. But this neglects the role of scientists in creating new structures within which they worked. A middle position—one more sensitive to the exigencies of colonial scientific life—would be one where the participants are seen not as the dupes of “structure nor the potentates of action”, but as occupying a ground between the two.71

Notes: Conclusions An interest in economic development has been extended to a set of research universities which since the late nineteenth century had been established, or had transformed themselves, to focus upon discipline-based fundamental investigations.21 The land-grant model was reformulated, from agricultural research and extension, to entrepreneurial transfers of science-based industrial technology by faculty members and university administrators. The norms of science, a set of values and incentives for proper institutional conduct,22 have been revised as an unintended consequence of the second revolution. This has happened through an accretion of gradual organisational changes that often go unnoticed, and through conflict that disrupts the status quo and makes change evident. The two forms of normative change became apparent in the emergence of group research and in controversies over conflicts of interest. With extensive financial support from government, large research groups began to replace the traditional form of professor and graduate student—still commonplace in the humanities—as the typical way of organising research, although group leaders were called “individual investigators”.23 Possessing many of the characteristics of a small business, apart from the profit motive, some of these research groups or “quasi firms” are only a short step away from turning into companies when the opportunity arises. Disputes about conflicts of interest are a step towards the transformation of norms. How they are resolved suggests the shape of the new norm; their continuation indicates that the outcome is still in question; their intensification increases the likelihood that a practice will be defined as deviant. Some conflicts of interest will be resolveable as norms change; others will be defined as fraud and be dealt with by the legal system. Conflicts of commitment may also be amenable to resolution, for example, by granting leave to establish a company. Integrating campus and company research reduces some of the potential for conflict, especially when the university holds the intellectual property rights in question. Under these new normative conditions what is left of the idea of the university as a source of disinterested expertise? As molecular biology departments have developed a complex network of industrial ties a new critical discipline of environmental science has grown up in academia. Universities are flexible institutions, capable of reconciling many diverse missions.

Notes: Conclusions This study clearly reveals that the benefits ascribed to strategic planning typically are achieved through a variety of means. A formal process that seeks to plan in a comprehensive, linear fashion is likely to be too complicated, politically divisive, expensive and inflexible, and to ignore how decisions are made in a complex, highly decentralised university. While many approaches to planning are used, universities must ensure they provide periodically opportunities for university staff—freed from daily responsibilities—to consider strategic concerns. Accurate and relevant information must be available to all who make and carry out decisions. Planning should be viewed as a learning process rather than a document producing exercise. Extensive communication among university staff and faculty is needed to ensure informed debate and substantial acceptance of decisions—otherwise they are unlikely to be implemented. Perhaps most important is not the process employed but the decision-maker's breadth of perspective and sophistication. No process will overcome lack of competent leadership. The importance of daily decision-making in various councils and committees on issues such as cost containment and budgetary priorities is underestimated in the literature on planning. Critics have doubted whether universities' structures and processes permit them, or their leaders have the resolve, to confront the emerging issues. However, in many respects, the universities' decentralised, multiple decision-making practices may suit them well. They face the same challenging societal changes as other sectors of society. Their staff include some of the most capable individuals in the United States, and in the past they have been highly adaptable during periods of profound social change. Universities do not appear to be less aware of the need to adapt, nor more constrained in adapting to new conditions, than other sectors of society. In fact, university research and scholarship will be highly important in pointing the way for the whole of society to meet this era's challenges. If pessimistic predictions about current trends turn out to be accurate, universities no doubt will adapt at least as well as other kinds of institutions. The travails of business in this environment are daily news! There will be occasional casualties among the universities, as frequently occurs during major social transitions, but institutions that have grown in importance for over 1,000 years, will doubtless emerge from this period perhaps somewhat changed but still performing their historic social functions.

Notes: Conclusions The academic standing of the staff working in vocational higher education must be judged as unsatisfactory according to two possible criteria: the traditional criteria, which are derived from the universities operating within the previous unitary higher education system; and the criteria outlined by the bill of the Law of Higher Education Institutions. The latter derive from the same historical institutional pattern. There are many reasons to conclude that, academically, in most fields of study, the new institutions do not reach the level of the old ones. However, the mission of the new sector—the second-rank academic institutions in the eyes of the traditional academic community—is at least debatable, if not mistaken. The public university sector appears to be in deep crisis, with academics so attached to the Humboldtian university that they ignore the claims for social relevance in education.8 This is further complicated by deepening financial hardship. Using traditional criteria, it is possible that Estonia will be left with two socially irrelevant higher education sectors, instead of one functioning sector. It is also possible that the second sector, which does not fit these criteria, will be eliminated. However, the fault does not lie wholly with the dominance of traditional university attitudes. It also lies in a lack of vision on the part of the new institutions. As children of the proletariat society, they fail to recognise their vocational orientation as a benefit, and instead try to hide it. They are developing theoretically overloaded four- to five-year study programmes. None of these institutions has solved the problem of balancing the requirement of employing 50 per cent faculty full time and maintaining a satisfactory academic level. The need to demonstrate that part-time employees may actually benefit the vocational sector has not yet been understood.9 As long as the sector continues to accept the rules forced upon it by the old universities, it probably has no useful role in Estonia. Its institutions, especially the public institutions, cannot compete with the traditional universities in academic fields. The universities, on the other hand, are beginning to understand that the policy they proclaimed some years ago, which was based on the clear distinction between two sectors on the German pattern, does not work in a small country with very limited resources, and an inheritance from the previous regime of a large university sector with an enrolment rate of more than 20 per cent of the age group. The universities have agreed to offer their own non-degree courses at diploma level, and now seriously threaten the small new institutions. From the financial point of view, the universities' expressed desire to swallow the small vocational institutions is beneficial since the small institutions have no clearly distinct role of their own. The private vocational higher education institutions do not conceal the fact that, according to their own vision, they have little place in the vocational sector. Some of them would like an official status equal to that of the universities, the right to offer graduate and postgraduate courses as well as diploma courses, and the registration of their diplomas and certificates on an equal basis with the public universities in the Register of Diplomas and Certificates at the Ministry of Culture and Education. In other words, they are interested in becoming fully accredited universities. This increases competition for students and—given the Estonian mechanism of public financing of higher education based on the number of students admitted provided by the Ministry of Culture and Education10—there will be less money for public universities. Here lies the origin of the principle that the universities are established by parliament and the vocational higher education institutions by executive action by the government. The existence of the new sector is seriously threatened. The current pattern of postgraduate studies has blocked the preparation of a sufficient number of research-degree holders, even at master's level.11 The new institutions cannot train their own faculty. The recent experience of Concordia International University—which depends greatly on staff with bachelor's and master's degrees from the United States, who form some 80 per cent of the faculty—demonstrates that the participation of first- or even second-rank Western academics in Estonian higher education can never be very high. If the system cannot accept experienced local staff for legal appointments in the vocational sector, unless they have a research degree, these institutions will not survive for long. Society will be back to the position where there are a large number of underpaid or unemployed academics, but a shortage of qualified individuals who could be self-employed and capable of running small and medium-size enterprises.

Notes: Revisionist historians of the nuclear age have long argued that it was not necessary to have used the atomic bombs in August 1945 to bring the Second World War to an end, and that a more conciliatory approach by the Truman administration towards the Soviet Union—being franker with Stalin about the bomb and giving him an assurance that it would not be used—would have created a better chance of achieving a less confrontational postwar relationship between the two powers. They have also challenged the “myth” that the reason for using the bombs was to save American lives.

Notes: Conclusions On the basis of these findings, I suggest that the structure and organisation of the field of Hungarian economics under state socialism should be described as a case of “partitioned bureaucracy”.9 The compromise between research economists and the political elite in the New Course era between 1953 and 195510 survived the post-1956 reaction in so far as political economy, with its predominantly legitimatory and ideological functions, remained partitioned from the other sectors in the field through the remainder of the state-socialist period. This secured considerable protection both for Marxist-Leninist political economy—which faced the destabilising effects of exposure to the findings of serious empirical research—and for the other sectors, which were professionally oriented and earnestly interested in the pursuit of unbiased empirical research, free from stifling agitprop interference. Our data concerning the reputational control of the field reflects only one, although very important, aspect of this partitioning. Another and much plainer aspect is that, from the early 1960s, the Agitation and Propaganda Department of the Central Committee no longer exercised control over the field, except in the political economy sector. The proposition about the “mechanism paradigm” should not be taken seriously as a statement of a Kuhnian type of intellectual organisation of Hungarian economics, with “reform economics” at its “hard theoretical core”. But it should certainly be taken seriously as a reflection of the sociopolitical structure which emerged and developed from the mid-1950s onwards. Neither the politicians nor the economists saw as necessary or even contemplated the integration of Hungarian economic research with Western mainstream economic thought. In exchange for the professional expertise and socio-economic intelligence necessary for the exercise of power, Hungary's state-socialist political class offered their economists relative autonomy and freedom from interference. The price the economists had to pay was partly to refrain from openly and systematically challenging the beliefs perpetuated by the political economy of socialism, and partly to accept in their research the paramountcy of policy orientation. But this burden they assumed willingly since it made them the only group within Hungary's academic intelligentsia—indeed, the only group in Hungarian society outside the political class—with the privilege of being coopted to the institutions with power over some restricted domains of policymaking. After 1989, especially under the conservative Antall government, this proved less than advantageous.11 Although the benevolence of many critics is open to question, it could greatly benefit the field if the economists' expulsion from contemporary politics went hand in hand with provision of the material, intellectual and institutional conditions for a new approach where a fundamentally scientific orientation is paramount.

Notes: Conclusion From the viewpoint of its Stalinist-era creators, the IKKN/INS could at best be described as a mixed success. Despite heroic efforts, it failed to train the cadres that might have permeated Polish scholarship with Marxism-Leninism. If it was the major channel for transmitting Soviet experience to Polish academia, then Poland's universities would not learn to be Soviet—the Polish historian Jerzy Halbersztadt has made the point that the institute was the only direct conduit of Soviet experience into Polish academic life. It even had a major role in educating some of Poland's most famous critical thinkers, although they, unlike their master Adam Schaff, seem less fond of reminiscing about the institute. Leszek Koŀakowski writes that he does not regard his role in the ideological struggles of the early 1950s as a “source of pride”.90 The legacy of the IKKN/INS has also been a mixed one. It was not only a “foundry of revisionists”. For every future critical thinker of world repute, it graduated several cadres who served the PZPR loyally over decades. Adam Schaff recognises this dual legacy. Looking back on a long and active life, he has called the institute a “pearl in my crown”.91 Its members filled top party and government posts throughout the history of People's Poland. Andrzej Werblan served as Central Committee secretary and a member of the Politburo, Sylwester Zawadzki became minister of justice, Stanisŀaw Wroński was minister of culture, Mieczysŀaw Jagielski was the Politburo member who negotiated the Gdańsk accords, Stanisŀaw Kania succeeded Edward Gierek, and Mieczysŀaw Rakowski acted as General Jaruzelski's Party First Secretary.92 Undoubtedly much of the institute's strange course is to be attributed to the designs of Adam Schaff. Despite his Moscow training, Schaff retained an attachment to the Polish academic milieu which had formed him. He may have believed in Stalinist doctrine, but he also believed that this doctrine would show its superiority in competition with other views—even if the competition was far from a fair one. Of course, Schaff tried to retain ultimate control, and to play, as he now calls himself, the “grey eminence”. Nevertheless, his was a very unstalinist way of propagating Stalinism, and he must be given credit for helping to keep a spirit of intellectual inquiry alive in Poland during the dark years of the early 1950s. Yet Schaff tends to exaggerate his personal role in educating philosophers, dissidents and critical thinkers. This tendency is itself a legacy of the Stalinist period and its concentration of power. Stalinists view the present as their personal creation and therefore reject all criticisms of the past. At the final meeting of the Crooked Circle Club in 1962, Schaff encountered unwonted criticism from, among others, Andrzej Walicki. Schaff shot back at him: “You are ours, you are our creation, a creation of socialism ... we educated you, and we didn't do such a bad job.” But far from being a “creation” of Schaff's, the non-party member Walicki had been denied admission to graduate studies in philosophy. He felt relieved when those in attendance, who knew him better than Schaff did, burst out laughing.93 The point is that the Polish intellectual world maintained its integrity outside the IKKN/INS, and in the end it was the institute which merged into the Polish intelligentsia, rather than the opposite. After 1957 the non-Marxist sociologists and philosophers made their way back to academia, and were joined by many former INS staff members. The basic unity of Polish social science training, and of the Polish intelligentsia, was restored.94 Of course in a larger sense the fate of the IKKN/INS had little to do with the designs of its master. Schaff admits as much, proclaiming that “I did this because I did not know what I was doing!” If he had been asked to start such a project five years later, the answer would have been: “No!”95 The fatal flaw of the Institute for Training Scientific Cadres was cadres: Poland did not have them. By 1956, Schaff and the party leadership, and perhaps Soviet advisers as well, had learned that one could not create an elite party scientific institution almost out of nothing. It would either be party or scientific, because apparatchiki could not become scientists, scientists would not become apparatchiki, and students could not produce teachers. In the Stalinist period, Polish intellectual life had stood in the shadow of the party; yet during the Thaw the relationship was reversed—increasingly the tiny party training institute was engulfed by the shadow of the resurgent Polish universities. Talented young people, even those in the party, made their way into the traditional higher educational establishment. The IKKN/INS did not, therefore, fail because of its own failings, nor succeed because of its own successes. It was a failed part of a failed whole. To succeed, “mild” revolution would have required decades, and Poland's Stalinists had only a few years. To make matters worse—or better, depending on viewpoint—they did not use these years in a conventional Stalinist manner. Under Schaff's guidance and at somewhat erratic Soviet bidding, the institute became an awkward series of half-measures, reminiscent of much of Polish Stalinism. When Poland's communists fell back and regrouped in 1956, the IKKN/INS occupied a lonely position they preferred to abandon.

Notes: Abstract The paper focuses on the practice of technology education in eight secondary schools in the north east of England. It illustrates that whilst ‘Technology’ has been defined in terms of ‘process’ the attempts to teach technological understanding solely through a similar model may not be the most effective method. In their quest for achievement for their pupils, teachers are adept at circumventing educational ideals by devising strategies and methodologies (in most cases subconsciously) which produce end results that satisfy their pupils, and also examination bodies, but may negate more reflective objectives. These approaches are not merely an attempt at obtaining easily gained acclaim but may be symptomatic of deeper rooted beliefs and ideals. The conclusions are based on a survey of published work as well as on the results of ethnographic research which appraised the practice of a sample of teachers in their handling of key points in this process approach.

Notes: Abstract This paper describes part of a continuing research project based at the University of Wales, Swansea, which is investigating pupils' attitudes to a range of national curriculum subjects. There has been no major national funded project to evaluate the national curriculum from pupils' perspectives. The market economy philosophy adopted by the present government is restricted in the meaning of choice given to consumers of education. Pupils' opinions are rarely sought out. The paper describes the results gained from a Likert-type attitude scale and subsequent follow-up interviews with a selection of pupils aged 13 and 14 years in secondary schools across South Wales.

Notes: Abstract This paper presents a qualitative study of the ways in which technology is characterized by educators in one school district preparing to implement technological problem solving within the framework of a mandatory elementary science program. Semi-structured interviews with curriculum developers, the district curriculum coordinator, school principals and teachers were carried out to probe participants' perceptions of technology, technology-science relationships and the purpose and character of technology education in the classroom. Analysis of the interview transcripts suggests that the initial shaping of technological problem solving has been influenced by pragmatics rather than by interrogation of technological knowledge and practice. A further conclusion is that situating technological problem solving units within a science program reinforces existing perceptions of technology as applied science.

Notes: Abstract Technology education in the age band 5 to 11 has received relatively little research attention over the past ten years. With the exception of data documented by eminent scholars such as Anning (1994; 1997), Jane (1995), Solomon and Hall (1996), and Roth (1994) only a small amount is understood about how children work when designing, making and evaluating with a range of materials, information, systems and tools. This study sought to examine children's feelings, experiences and design ideas and to document the interplay between their designs (regardless of when this occurred in the design, making and evaluating cycle) and what they actually did. The findings make a small contribution towards our understandings of the complexities associated with how children aged 5 to 11 think and act technologically whilst in schools.

Notes: Abstract The purpose of this study was to identify a concise list of constructs representative of the issues and problems confronting Technology Education today. Data was collected from a random sample of 600 members of the International Technology Education Association. A total of 254 usable instruments was returned for a response rate of 42.3%. A factor analysis using a principal-components analysis followed by orthogonal rotation using a Varimax procedure resulted in possible factor solutions with from 7 to 15 factors. These factor matrices were then examined to determine which was most appropriate to provide a meaningful and concise list of constructs representative of the issues and problems included in the study. An eight-factor solution was suggested by the analysis of data. The factors identified werefunding, academic content, program vitality, leadership, research base, teacher supply, identity, andintegration. Collectively, these factors explained 48 of the 60 items identified by Wicklein's (1993) original study and accounted for 24.4% of the total variance. While the ability of a short list of terms was limited in its capacity to embody the meaning of the 60 distinct concepts represented by the data, the list developed is manageable enough to provide a practical focus for concerted efforts to enhance the field of technology education at a critical time in its existence.

Notes: Abstract In the project “Technology in Secondary Education: Problem-solving in Teaching/learning Packages”, two experiments regarding a construction problem and an explanation problem were conducted, in which two variants of a teching/learning package (strongly structuredvs. weakly structured) were compared. Only with the strongly structured instructional variant of the package for the explanation problem did the pupils come to a quick solution of the problem. In both experiments, the factors that influenced the problem-solving processes of the pupils were investigated. The results are of importance for curriculum developers and the authors of teaching/learning packages for Technology but further research into the factors influencing the problem solving process of pupils is necessary.

Notes: Abstract Technological activity, taken in a broad craft sense, is not new to primary schools. What is new is its organisation as a serious curriculum subject in which pupils are expected to make valuable progress. Arguing about technology-as-education must include some understanding of what it can offer of wide value to successful students. Unfortunately those who have carried out empirical research in the field of primary technology have been unable to specify what such valuable progression might look like. There are just two rather limited sources of information relevant to development and progress in technology — cognitive psychology and teacher action research. Neither of these is easy to use as they stand because they are either unconnected with the act of teaching, or on a very small and personal scale. However this paper argues that, taken together, they are beginning to show that teaching has valuable and specific tasks to carry out, which can help pupils make recognisable progress in primary technology.

Notes: Abstract The world of technical education is moving towards an information collapse. This situation entails an aggravation of the contradiction between the desire to deliver more information to engineering students and the limitation imposed by the actual time that can be devoted to this activity. This, in turn, results in extensive competition between the subjects being taught and the consequent downgrading of certain areas. The ‘second-grade’ subjects, such as drawing, subjects providing empirical knowledge, and the teaching of ideas about how things work are being pushed into the background by modern, updated, computer-aided and computer-serving subjects. The negative results of this competition in terms of teaching time and the better use computerized technology education are considered in this paper.

Notes: Abstract This study examines the influence of two crossed factors upon the performance of a subject whose aim is to understand the functioning of a complex piece of technical apparatus, in this instance an automated arm from an assembly line. The primary factor was the encoding degree of the third dimension which constitutes the representation of the object. The methods of presentation were: a 3-D photograph, an axonometric perspective drawing and a first angle orthographic drawing. The second factor was professional experience. The subjects were, on the one hand, first year technology pupils (15--16 year-olds) and, on the other hand, professional draughtsmen from RENAULT. The results obtained with the 3-D photograph were twice as good as those obtained with the axonometric perspective or the orthographic drawing. It should be pointed out that experience did not effect the score.

Notes: Abstract This article, in seven sections, describes the evolution of technological education in the Canadian province of Ontario. The first section clarifies the meanings of the terms technology and technological education. The second outlines significant events in the history of technical education in the province. The third examines some of the societal factors that have created a climate for change during the past two decades, while the fourth describes the broader context of recent curriculum developments. The fifth reports on the introduction in 1995 of The Common Curriculum and the publication of Broad-based Technological Education. The sixth provides a few case studies illustrating the variety of ways in which technology education is currently implemented. The seventh section offers an evaluation and critique of some aspects of provincial curriculum policy and practice. The article is published in two parts. Part 1, in this issue, contains the first five sections, which describe the current curriculum offerings and their evolution. Part 2, containing the remaining two sections and all references, will be published in the next issue.

Notes: Conclusion Paradigm shifts do not take place easily; however, it is frequently easier to make a shift if one is outside a particular system. There is always a tendency for an individual, a company or even a country to stay with what has been proven successful in the past-especially a method that has been so successful that the current world prominence of that nation is due, in large measure, to that method. Furthermore, curriculum revision often follows a top-down approach resulting in cosmetic changes made by academicians but limited real change in the classroom. There is also a tendency to promote the idea that there should be a unique way that we, the general public, should view technology and, therefore, only one way it should be taught. This could well be in conflict with the subject itself. Technology is constantly in flux and the clients it serves are as diverse as their ethnic origins and genders. Technology education in England, France and the United States reflect the changes which came about either during their great Revolution or in the years immediately following these events. England's self-made technicians and engineers put England on the industrial map far in advance of the other nations. However, industrial progress slowed considerably in the twentieth century, As England's advantage over other nations waned in the early part of this century industrial production was denigrated and a return to a more idyllic craft era was promoted. Thus, technology education has been variously referred to as craft, design, technology or a combination of these terms, thereby indicating the importance of craft heritage, the role played by designers and inventors, as well as the attempt to place these two within the larger context of technology. Nonetheless, design remains the focal point of the technology curriculum in England and Wales, reflecting the importance of the designers/inventors during the golden age of England's industrial development. French technicians and engineers were making great strides in understanding the scientific bases of many techniques prior to the French Revolution, but their application of theory to practice at that time was of secondary importance. By the time the social aspects of their Revolution has been reconciled England was far in advance and, in an attempt to catch up, France utilized what it knew best. By starting with a solid scientific base and adding practical experiences, it produced versatile engineers like Gustav Eiffel, who could move from one specialized field to another when the need arose. This emphasis on science is reflected in the technology curriculum in France, both in public and private schools, and has been the inspiration for the province of Quebec which is officially unilingual French speaking. Although the United States was born out of close ties with England, it understood French culture through ambassadors to France such as Ben Franklin. Nevertheless, these influences were no match when compared to the urgency to develop machinery which would add power to the pioneers' effort to conquer the new country and expand westward. The machine took on an almost superhuman quality as new industrial techniques were developed and the latest gadgets could be bought by all citizens. Little wonder that industry played an important part in the school curriculum from earliest times and continues to form the center of today's technology education curriculum. Will these three different cultural heritages continue to dominate technology education in each country in the years to come? Will the requirements of a global economy or the culture of other nations exert a greater influence for change than has been experienced in the past? There are no certain answers to these questions, but what is clear is that the past must be understood, as well as the degree of effect it has had on our current choice of curricula, before we can move ahead to create programs suitable for the twenty-first century.

Notes: Abstract This paper explores the changes associated with the move from an industrial to a postindustrial society and discusses the corresponding shifts in education. After reviewing a number of contemporary responses to the present crisis within society, the paper examines some of the implications for the concept of citizenship and suggests that, while much remains unknown, the task of education in a postindustrial society will still be to furnish knowledge and skills that articulate with the requirements of social life.