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  • Articles  (536)
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  • 1
    Electronic Resource
    Electronic Resource
    Springer
    Policy sciences 24 (1991), S. 1-18 
    ISSN: 1573-0891
    Source: Springer Online Journal Archives 1860-2000
    Topics: Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Abstract This article is essentially a rejoinder to Christopher Bosso's piece, ‘Transforming Adversaries Into Collaborators: Interest groups and the regulation of chemical pesticides,’ which appeared in this journal (21: 3–22). The case of pesticides regulation is re-examined and some new insights are offered. At the center of Bosso's argument is the contention that Congress is passive. John Kingdon's agenda/alternative distinction is utilized to arrive at an alternative way to think about the role of Congress in today's ‘permeable pressure system.’
    Type of Medium: Electronic Resource
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  • 2
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    Springer
    Policy sciences 24 (1991), S. 65-98 
    ISSN: 1573-0891
    Source: Springer Online Journal Archives 1860-2000
    Topics: Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Abstract The policy movement is unified by a common interest in the improvement of policy decisions through scientific inquiry. The movement is differentiated, however, because this common interest is highly ambiguous and subject to interpretation from different perspectives. This paper applies a policy sciences perspective to the movement's disappointments over the last few decades, and in particular, the failure to realize earlier aspirations for rational, objective analysis on the more important and controversial policy issues. The paper offers a definition and diagnosis of the underlying problem, and suggests what can be done about it as a matter of individual and collective choice.
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  • 3
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    Springer
    Policy sciences 24 (1991), S. 121-123 
    ISSN: 1573-0891
    Source: Springer Online Journal Archives 1860-2000
    Topics: Political Science , Economics
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  • 4
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    Springer
    Policy sciences 24 (1991), S. 41-64 
    ISSN: 1573-0891
    Source: Springer Online Journal Archives 1860-2000
    Topics: Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Abstract The Garrison Diversion Unit (GDU) was authorized by Congress in 1965. It is one of the largest and most expensive public works projects ever undertaken in the United States. When completed, it may become the last major federal irrigation scheme constructed in the west. Its principal purposes are: (1) to irrigate some 250,000 acres of arable land in North Dakota, (2) provide water for municipal and industrial use in fourteen communities, and (3) enhance recreational opportunities and fish and wildlife management programs within, and adjacent to, the canals and reservoirs resulting from its construction. The project is to be financed by hydropower sales from Lake Sakakawea, created when Garrison Dam was completed in 1956.1 Concerted litigation, Canadian opposition, and federal budget cuts have sharply reduced the size and scope of GDU since 1984. Its irrigable acreage has been reduced by over 50%, a principal feeder reservoir has been eliminated, and provision of municipal and industrial water delivery has been moved from second to first priority by a Congressional commission. The GDU controversy illustrates the consequences of the lack of a coherent environmental ethic guiding American natural resources policy. These consequences are two-fold. First, although GDU's impacts extend to Canada, there is little agreement between the U.S. and Canada over what values should guide transboundary water resources development. Second, American beneficaries of the project define its need in ‘pre-emptory’ terms - i.e., as compensation to an entire region for losses of land associated with the original construction of Garrison Dam. Opponents, meanwhile, argue their case in ‘meliorative’ terms - i.e., that the costs to society of building additional water projects are not outweighed by their benefits. While both views have some merit, neither view can alone encompass the range of social, economic, and environmental consequences of complex river basin development.
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  • 5
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    Policy sciences 24 (1991), S. 99-119 
    ISSN: 1573-0891
    Source: Springer Online Journal Archives 1860-2000
    Topics: Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Abstract Technological conflicts are commonly seen as rooted in problems of risk perception and risk communication. This view is seriously deficient in that it does not fully appreciate that despite their technical content, the conflicts are at bottom political. Conflict of interests and values is evident even in differences over scientific agendas, methods, and interpretations, and especially in the inevitable cacophony of messages describing scientific knowledge to non-experts. Efforts to produce clear, accurate, and unbiased messages about risks will not even solve communication problems, let alone reduce conflict, because ‘unbiased’ is undefinable. Clear and accurate messages can always be devised to support a variety of policy positions, and they will be, whenever controversy persists. The article substantiates these points and outlines some realistic approaches to risk communication that enable nonexperts to learn through conflict what they cannot learn from carefully crafted risk messages.
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  • 6
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    Policy sciences 24 (1991), S. 19-39 
    ISSN: 1573-0891
    Source: Springer Online Journal Archives 1860-2000
    Topics: Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Abstract This study compares British and United States policy-making for nonmilitary dangerous inventions. It focuses on nine twentieth century invention groups ranging from electricity to biotechnology. Public policy for all nine dangerous inventions was very similar between the two countries. When inventions appeared, policy-makers in and out of government attempted to apply analogies of two types between existing technologies and the inventions: (1) the use to which an invention was put; and (2) the techniques used to achieve the invention's objective(s). Early societal formulations of these analogies set the stage for an unending iterative policy process. Components of this process included: technical progress toward an invention's power and effectiveness; technical progress toward an invention's safety; the number of innocent victims who might be hurt by an invention; the volume of government regulations; the degree of government rational-comprehensive decision-making with regard to the invention; and the degrees of centralization of government responses to the invention.
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  • 7
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    Policy sciences 24 (1991), S. 125-125 
    ISSN: 1573-0891
    Source: Springer Online Journal Archives 1860-2000
    Topics: Political Science , Economics
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  • 8
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    Policy sciences 24 (1991), S. 127-152 
    ISSN: 1573-0891
    Source: Springer Online Journal Archives 1860-2000
    Topics: Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Abstract The 1970s spawned a ‘first generation’ of growth controls which featured explicit (or implicit) restrictions on residential housing construction. These restrictions were typically implemented in small, affluent, and predominantly white suburban communities. Policy analysis responded by focusing almost singlemindedly on how such supply-side restrictions might increase housing prices and drive out the poor. The 1980s and 1990s have, however, given birth to a more comprehensive ‘second generation’ of controls which many major cities and metropolitan areas are considering. This generation ties commercial and industrial as well as residential development to the reduction of the negative externalities and congestion costs associated with growth. To fully evaluate this second generation, policy analysis must take into account not only housing price effects and the rate of job creation but also the full range of ‘amenity effects’ associated with differing rates of growth and attendant levels of traffic congestion, air pollution, and other ‘public bads.’ We develop a framework for such ‘second generation’ growth control analysis using San Diego as an example.
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  • 9
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    Policy sciences 24 (1991), S. 153-179 
    ISSN: 1573-0891
    Source: Springer Online Journal Archives 1860-2000
    Topics: Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Abstract This paper claims that policy analysis is inherently rhetorical, that it cannot be fully understood apart from the audiences to which it is directed and the styles in which it is communicated. Defining rhetoric as persuasive discourse within and between interpretive communities, I argue that policy analysts are embedded in a complex rhetorical situation created by the interaction of three primary audiences (scientists, politicians, and lay advocates), each of which has its own normal discourse and agreed-upon conventions of persuasion, and that failure to persuade any one of these audiences will cause analysts to appear incompetent, impractical or illegitimate. To support and illustrate this claim I reconstruct the theoretical literature about policy analysis in rhetorical terms, then review events that occurred at Love Canal, New York, in the late 1970s. I conclude by suggesting that policy analysts need to ‘actively mediate’ the policy discourse between scientists, politicians, and advocates.
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  • 10
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    Policy sciences 24 (1991), S. 223-224 
    ISSN: 1573-0891
    Source: Springer Online Journal Archives 1860-2000
    Topics: Political Science , Economics
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