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  • 1
    Electronic Resource
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 583-588 
    ISSN: 0266-4666
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Economics
    Notes: This paper investigates the semiparametric efficiency of the conditional maximum likelihood estimation in some panel models. The nonparametric component of the model is the unknown distribution of the fixed effect. For the exponential panel model, there exists a complete sufficient statistic for the fixed effect. When the complete sufficient statistic does not depend on the parameter of interest, the conditional maximum likelihood estimator (CMLE) achieves the semiparametric efficiency bound. In particular, the CMLE is semiparametrically efficient for the panel Poisson regression model and the panel negative binomial model.
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  • 2
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 313-314 
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    Topics: Economics
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  • 3
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 32-51 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: Latent variable discrete choice model estimation and interpretation depend on the density function of the latent variable's unobserved random component. This paper provides a simple semiparametric estimator of the moments of this density. The results can be used as starting values for parametric estimators, to estimate the appropriate location and scaling for semiparametric estimators, for specification testing including tests of latent error skewness and kurtosis, and to estimate coefficients of discrete explanatory variables in the model.
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  • 4
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 133-142 
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  • 5
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 119-132 
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  • 6
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 306-307 
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  • 7
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 307-308 
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  • 8
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 148-148 
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  • 9
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 506-528 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: This paper generalizes the univariate results of Chan and Tran (1989, Econometric Theory 5, 354–362) and Phillips (1990, Econometric Theory 6, 44–62) to multivariate time series. We develop the limit theory for the least-squares estimate of a VAR(l) for a random walk with independent and identically distributed errors and for I(1) processes with weakly dependent errors whose distributions are in the domain of attraction of a stable law. The limit laws are represented by functional of a stable process. A semiparametric correction is used in order to asymptotically eliminate the “bias” term in the limit law. These results are also an extension of the multivariate limit theory for square-integrable disturbances derived by Phillips and Durlauf (1986, Review of Economic Studies 53, 473–495). Potential applications include tests for multivariate unit roots and cointegration.
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  • 10
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 464-465 
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    Topics: Economics
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  • 11
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 464-464 
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    Topics: Economics
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  • 12
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 312-313 
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  • 13
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 310-312 
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  • 14
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 52-78 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: A typical statistic encountered can be characterized as a ratio of polynomials of arbitrary degree in a random vector. This vector may possess any admissible cumulant structure. We provide in this paper general formulae for the effect of nonnormality on the density and distribution functions of this ratio. The results appear in terms of generalized cumulants, a theory developed by McCullagh (1984, Biometrika 71, 461–476). With the aid of suitable notation, the expressions are applied to the distributions of tests for heteroskedasticity and autocorrelation, the least-squares estimator of the autoregressive coefficient in a dynamic model, and tests for linear restrictions.
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  • 15
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 529-557 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: This paper considers the analysis of cointegrated time series using principal components methods. These methods have the advantage of requiring neither the normalization imposed by the triangular error correction model nor the specification of a finite-order vector autoregression. An asymptotically efficient estimator of the cointegrating vectors is given, along with tests forcointegration and tests of certain linear restrictions on the cointegrating vectors. An illustrative application is provided.
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  • 16
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 558-581 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: We develop order T−1 asymptotic expansions for the quasi-maximum likelihood estimator (QMLE) and a two-step approximate QMLE in the GARCH(l,l) model. We calculate the approximate mean and skewness and, hence, the Edgeworth-B distribution function. We suggest several methods of bias reduction based on these approximations.
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  • 17
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 605-605 
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    Topics: Economics
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  • 18
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 606-608 
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  • 19
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 608-613 
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  • 20
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 353-367 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: This paper presents central limit theorems for triangular arrays of mixingale and near-epoch-dependent random variables. The central limit theorem for near-epoch-dependent random variables improves results from the literature in various respects. The approach is to define a suitable Bernstein blocking scheme and apply a martingale difference central limit theorem, which in combination with weak dependence conditions renders the result. The most important application of this central limit theorem is the improvement of the conditions that have to be imposed for asymptotic normality of minimization estimators.
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  • 21
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 406-429 
    ISSN: 0266-4666
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: In this present paper, considering a linear regression model with nonspherical disturbances, improved confidence sets for the regression coefficients vector are developed using the Stein rule estimators. We derive the large-sample approximations for the coverage probabilities and the expected volumes of the confidence sets based on the feasible generalized least-squares estimator and the Stein rule estimator and discuss their ranking.
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  • 22
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 463-464 
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    Topics: Economics
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  • 23
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 465-466 
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    Topics: Economics
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  • 24
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 149-169 
    ISSN: 0266-4666
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: This paper considers pseudomaximum likelihood estimators for vector autoregressive models. These estimators are used to determine the cointegration rank of a multivariate time series process using pseudolikelihood ratio tests. The asymptotic distributions of these tests depend on nuisance parameters if the pseudolikelihood is non-Gaussian. This even holds if the likelihood is correctly specified. The nuisance parameters have a natural interpretation and can be consistently estimated. Some simulation results illustrate the usefulness of the tests: non-Gaussian pseudolikelihood ratio tests generally have a higher power than the Gaussian test of Johansen if the innovations demonstrate leptokurtic behavior.
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  • 25
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 185-213 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: Two new classes of probability distributions are introduced that radically simplify the process of developing variance components structures for extremevalue and logistic distributions. When one of these new variates is added to an extreme-value (logistic) variate, the resulting distribution is also extreme value (logistic). Thus, quite complicated variance structures can be generated by recursively adding components having this new distribution, and the result will retain a marginal extreme-value (logistic) distribution. It is demonstrated that the computational simplicity of extreme-value error structures extends to the introduction of heterogeneity in duration, selection bias, limited-dependent- and qualitative-variable models. The usefulness of these new classes of distributions is illustrated with the examples of nested logit, multivariate risk, and competing risk models, where important generalizations to conventional stochastic structures are developed. The new models are shown to be computationally simpler and far more tractable than alternatives such as estimation by simulated moments. These results will be of considerable use to applied microeconomic researchers who have been hampered by computational difficulties in constructing more sophisticated estimators.
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  • 26
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 308-308 
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    Topics: Economics
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  • 27
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 1-6 
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    Topics: Economics
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  • 28
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 3-31 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: This paper develops a theory of estimating parameters of a generated regressor model in which some explanatory variables in the equation of interest are the unknown conditional means of certain observable variables given other observable regressors. The paper imposes a weak nonparametric restriction on the form of the conditional means and maintains a single-index assumption on the distribution of the dependent variable in the equation of interest. The estimation method follows a two-step approach: The first step estimates the conditional means in the index nonparametrically, and the second step estimates the parameters by an analytically convenient weighted average derivative method. It is established that the two-step estimator is root-n-consistent and asymptotically normal. The asymptotic variance exceeds that of the one-step hypothetical estimator, which would be obtainable if the first-step regression were known.
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  • 29
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 2-2 
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    Topics: Economics
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  • 30
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 1-9 
    ISSN: 0026-749X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
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  • 31
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 847-877 
    ISSN: 0026-749X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: The medical profession in modern China comprised two radically different schools—modern (Western) medicine and native medicine. The difference in philosophy, theory, and technique made a conflict between the two schools almost inevitable, and the conflict was intensified by the modernization process that was quickened during the Republican period. Western-trained or modern doctors advocated national salvation through science and denounced native medicine as superstitious, unscientific, and an impediment to the development of medical science in China. On the other hand, native medical practitioners insisted that what they learned and practiced was part of the national essence (guocui) and should be protected against the cultural invasion of imperialism (diguo zhuyi wenhua qinlue) including Western medicine. To be sure, both sides used such rhetoric to camouflage the business competition between them, but this rivalry and its implications did point to a profound cultural conflict between Chinese tradition and Western influence in China's modernization. It epitomized a burning issue of the day: whether or not China's modernization meant Westernization and whether a respectable position for China in the modern world was to be achieved through Westernization or preservation of what was regarded or claimed as national heritage.
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 31-59 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: AbstarctA major transformation has occurred in rural China since reform policies were initiated in 1979. It has been particularly dramatic in the highly commercialized Pearl River delta region of the southern province of Guangdong, provenance of most North Americans of Chinese origin. The delta region has become firmly incorporated into the global economy and its external linkages, especially to Hong Kong, have been central in the process of change. The responses to reform in the areas of the delta dominated by an Overseas Chinese presence have been distinctive. Varied family economic strategies have arisen to meet the opportunities implicit in the new policies for rural reform in a region in which remittances from abroad are significant. There has also been the revival of complex kinship groupings (lineages) energized by Overseas Chinese communities, which have assumed important roles in regional economic development.
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 177-207 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Pakistan is an ideologically inspired state and Urdu was a part of this ideology. During the development of Muslim separatism in British India it had become a symbol of Muslim identity and was the chief rival of Hindi, the symbol of Hindu identity (Brass, 1974: 119–81. Thus, after partition it was not surprising that the Muslim polemical and methodologically unreliable books. Some of them are, indeed, part of the pro-Urdu campaign by such official institutions as the National Language Authority, because of which they articulate only the official language policy (Kamran, 1992). Other books, especially by supporters of Urdu, invoke simplistic conspiracy theories for explaining the opposition to Urdu. One of them is that the elitist supporters of English have always conspired to protect it in their self-interest; the other that ethno-nationalists, supported by foreign governments, communists and anti-state agents, oppose Urdu (Abdullah, 1976; Barelvi 1987). While such assertions may be partly true, the defect of the publications is that no proof is offered in support of them.
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 218-221 
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  • 35
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 463-546 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Although the question has assumed at least two principal forms, most scholars who would compare the history of Europe and Asia have long been absorbed with a single query: Why was Asia different?
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 583-601 
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    Notes: Although they still differ considerably in their willingness to acknowledge it, specialists in the history of north-western Europe in the eleventh and twelfth centuries CE are increasingly treating it as that of the emergence of a new civilization in what had previously been a peripheral region of the Mediterranean-based civilization of the classical west, rather than as a continuation or revival of that civilization itself. In this light Europe, or Latin Christendom as it saw itself, offers a number of striking resemblances to the developments which Lieberman discusses. The most dynamic regions of the new Europe—north-western France, Flanders and lowland England, north-eastern Spain, northern Italy, southern Italy and Sicily—were all peripheral, though in various senses, both to the long-defunct classical civilization and its direct successors, the Byzantine and Abbasid Empires, and to the transitional and much more loosely based ninth-and tenth-century empires of the Franks and Saxons (Ottonians). To this one might add that by the end of the twelfth century the remaining rimlands of the Eurasian continent in a purely geographical sense—Scandinavia, including Iceland, and still more the southern coast of the Baltic and the areas dominated by the rivers which drained into it—were developing very rapidly indeed.
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 689-709 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Despite the serious studies of the past century, the history of Mainland Southeast Asia is still poorly understood. This is not to say that we do not have numerous studies of particular countries and events in individual countries; but, despite the efforts of Victor Lieberman, Anthony Reid, and others, we still lack a comprehensive sense of the dynamics of the premodern history of long periods on a region-wide basis.
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 1-6 
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 245-283 
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    Notes: This is an essay about the establishment and expanding roles of the colonial state in India, and their probable correlation with developments of Indian identity. As I have argued elsewhere, identities are always multiple, contingent and continuously constructed, so that traditions, also continually reinvented, are shared and reiterated practices and beliefs which reflect the collective memories of previous constructions. There is no analytical contradiction therefore between long-term civilizational continuities and emerging forms of ‘constructed’ identity. This paper is about a particular form of identity that is currently associated with concepts of public space and rights, and with the nation-state, or at least political and territorial units. For convenience I refer to it as ‘modern Indian identity’ because it has been defined and been growing in significance in the modern era; but no inference should be drawn that I consider it to be the only form in India.
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 339-374 
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    Notes: Nationalist activity in India between the years 1909 and 1916 has generally received an inadequate treatment from historians. It seems, quite simply, that this period is not sensational enough and historical accounts tend to skip from the excitement of the Swadeshi movement, the ‘Moderate’—‘Extremist’ split, the so-called ‘Extremist’ movement in general, and the Morley—Minto reforms of 1909 only to stop at the emergence of the Home Rule leagues or, even more likely, the serious political emergence of Gandhi after 1917. For example, despite writing of ‘continuities’ from 1885 to 1947, even Sumit Sarkar sees the nationalist movement expanding ‘in a succession of waves and troughs, the obvious high-points being 1905–1908, 1919–1922, 1928–1934, 1942 and 1945–46.’ Effectively, he is saying that the years from 1908 to 1919 were characterized by a ‘trough’ or lull.
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    Economics and philosophy 13 (1997), S. 175-196 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: In a recent paper, Pierluigi Barrotta (1996) argues that Mises ‘ended up by defending an epistemological tenet very far from Kant's’ (p. 51), concluding that ‘Mises's apriorism cannot be vindicated through Kant's epistemology’ (p. 65). In contrast, I shall argue that certain of Mises's arguments can be reconstructed in Kantian terms, and thus the distance between Mises and Kant is not as extreme as Barrotta's argument may appear to suggest. Specifically, I shall argue that Mises, like Kant, seeks to establish the a priori nature of the category of causality. To this extent at least, Mises's apriorism can be vindicated through Kant's epistemology.
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    Economics and philosophy 13 (1997), S. 231-240 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: Kuhn and Moresi (1995) (henceforth, K&M) have proposed a useful taxonomy for classifying prisoners' dilemmas (henceforth, PDs). This comment is concerned with K&M's observation that legal penalties for defection can transform PDs into cooperative games, and their argument that the role of the law may vary depending on how the PD is classified by their taxonomy. The purpose of this note is to support K&M's analysis by demonstrating that the law of damages, as understood by economic analysis, already performs the function that K&M assign to legal penalties for defection.
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    Economics and philosophy 13 (1997), S. 261-280 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: In modern economics, the use of sympathy and empathy shows significant ambiguity. Sympathy has been used in two different senses. First, it refers to cases where the concern for others directly affects an individual's own welfare (Sen, 1977). Second, the term has served the purposes of welfare economics, where it is associated with interpersonal comparisons of the extended sympathy type, that is, comparisons between one's own situation in a social state and someone else's in a different social state (Arrow, 1963 [1951]). On the other hand, empathy has been used interchangeably with sympathy either to render the idea of interdependent utility functions (Leibenstein, 1976), or to convey the imaginative process of imagining oneself in someone else's place (Harsanyi, 1977).
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    Economics and philosophy 13 (1997), S. 241-259 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: In spite of the numerous occasions on which Adam Smith expresses his reservations regarding the morality of commercial societies, there seems to be an agreement that he believed such systems to be fundamentally just. To some, this is so because they attribute to Smith a concept of justice which is narrowly confined to the ‘right to have [one's] body free from injury, and [one's] liberty free from infringement’ (Lectures on Jurisprudence, p. 401). In a world where people have an interest in the fortune of others regardless of how selfish their motives for action might be, injuring someone else's body or restricting someone else's liberty is unlikely to be the behavioural norm.To others, natural liberty in the sphere of economic activity is just not only because individuals behind the system naturally comply with justice in its commutative sense, but also because the system itself generates justice in the distributive sense. Such arguments are based on either the working of the invisible hand — which produces the ‘same distribution of the necessities of life, which would have been made, had the earth been divided into equal portions among all its inhabitants ...’ (TMS, p. 185) — or on the approval of the ‘impartial spectator’ of the distribution which is associated with the natural price (Young, 1986).
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 613-614 
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 1-1 
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 392-405 
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    Notes: This paper examines the properties of various approximation methods for solving stochastic dynamic programs in structural estimation problems. The problem addressed is evaluating the expected value of the maximum of available choices. The paper shows that approximating this by the maximum of expected values frequently has poor properties. It also shows that choosing a convenient distributional assumptions for the errors and then solving exactly conditional on the distributional assumption leads to small approximation errors even if the distribution is misspecified.
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    Econometric theory 13 (1997), S. 253-303 
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 547-581 
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    Notes: In an earlier draft of his essay, Professor Lieberman quoted, with some bemusement, a remark by Edwin O. Reischauer that has flown from the text but stuck in memory. Japan during the Tokugawa era, observed E.O.R., achieved ‘a greater degree of cultural, intellectual, and ideological conformity ... than any other country in the world ... before the nineteenth century.’ The claim is remarkable—no less for its tone than for its unlikelihood (were we even remotely able to test it). Still, the claim is tantalizing, and versions of it, more hesitant, continue to resonate in the survey literature.
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 635-663 
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    Notes: Comparative analyses traditionally have done Russian history no favors. Invidious comparisons have situated Russia firmly in a context of backwardness relative to the West. The term ‘medieval’ customarily applies to Russia until the era of Peter the Great, that is, until the early eighteenth century, and even the least condemnatory scholars point out similarities between Muscovite Russia of the fourteenth through seventeenth centuries and early medieval tribal formations of northern Europe. Along with ‘backwardness,’ comparative history has customarily found in Russia an example of extraordinarily oppressive autocratic despotism, while at the same time, and omewhat contradictorily, decrying the incompetence and rampant corruption of the central state apparatus. These and other unflattering comparative generalizations arose in the observations of Western travellers who recorded their impressions of Russia in the early modern period and have continued in the writings of scholars and journalists to this day.
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 995-1017 
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    Notes: The former princely state of Hunza (now part of Pakistan's Northern Areas District) commands one of the largest and most complex irrigation systems in the whole of the western Karakoram mountain range. Built during the 18th century, Hunza's hydraulic works contributed significantly to the emergence of this small Central Asian state. Few writers, however, have explored the role of irrigation in Hunza's political evolution. Müller-Stellrecht (1981:55) has made some passing observations about the economic importance of irrigation in her paper on traditional Hunzakut society, Kreutzmann (1988) has provided some historical facts concerning the building of the canals and the present-day water distribution system in Hunza, while the French geographer Charles (1985) presents a significant body of data on Hunza's hydraulic works, but entirely from a physical perspective. In this paper, which is based on ethnohistorical data gathered during field research in Hunza, in 1990 and 1991, I examine the role of irrigation in the process of state formation in Hunza.
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 449-461 
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    Notes: The contributions in this collection, with one exception, are revised versions of papers prepared for a workshop on ‘The Eurasian Context of the Early Modern History of Mainland South East Asia, 1400–1800,’ which was held at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) of the University of London, 22–24 June, 1995. This gathering was organized thanks to the imagination and infectious enthusiasm of Dr Ian Brown, then Director of the Centre of South East Asian Studies at SOAS, and was funded with grants from SOAS, Modern Asian Studies and Cambridge University Press, and the British Academy.
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 603-633 
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    Notes: Between the fifteenth and eighteenth centuries, Western European political units shared with political units elsewhere in Eurasia both underlying structural factors—population trends, bullion influx, an increasingly integrated world economy—and challenges, above all the rising costs of military activity. Western Europe reacted in ways similar to other regions to the stresses of the fifteenth through eighteenth centuries: greater territorial integration (most notably in France, England, and Spain), stepped-up efforts to establish cultural hegemony in given territorial units, higher levels of taxation, increased military spending and larger military forces, sharply more standardized institutions and administration.
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 1-2 
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 711-734 
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    Notes: This paper focuses on the south-central Javanese state of Mataram and its late seventeenth- and mid-eighteenth-century successors—Kartasura (1680–1746), and Surakarta (founded 1746) and Yogyakarta (founded 1749). It concentrates principally on the administrative, military and cultural trends of the period, looking at the ways in which Mataram and its heirs imported their cultural styles from the defeated east Javanese and pasisir (north-east coast) kingdoms, while developing a Spartan polity dominated by the exigencies of war and military expansion. The disastrous reign of Sultan Agung's successor, Sunan Amangkurat I (r. 1646–77), and the emergence of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) as a major political force in Java led to the rapid eclipse of Mataram/Kartasura's military influence duringJava's ‘Eighty Years War’ (1675–1755) when the heritage of the great early Mataram rulers was squandered. This period of turmoil ended in the permanent division (paliyan) of south-central Java between the courts of Surakarta (Kasunanan, founded 1746, and Mangkunegaran, founded 1757) and Sultan Mangkubumi's new kingdom of Yogyakarta, which, in terms of its martial traditions, was the principal inheritor of the early Mataram polity. At the same time, the political authority of the courts continued to face challenges from regional power centres, not least the powerful administrators of Yogyakarta's eastern outlying provinces (mancanagara)based in Madiun and Maospati, and the networks of Islamic schools (pesantrèn) and tax-free religious villages (perdikan), which drew their strength both from court patronage and the piety of local communities.
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 285-315 
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    Notes: When the concept of Western nationalism travelled to India in the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century it was carried by British officialdom and an increasingly mobile and articulate Indian élite that was educated in English and in the tradition of British society. Not only did it inspire the all-India nationalist movement, but it encouraged regional politics as well, mainly in ethnic and religious terms. Most of today's ethnic and religious movements in South Asia could be traced back to their antecedents before independence. Looking closer at the three major regional movements of pre-independence India, the Pathans, the Sikhs and the Tamils, one finds a striking similarity in patterns of mobilization, conflict and concept irrespective of their association with the national movement (Red Shirt movement of the Pathans, Sikh movement of the Akalis) or independent existence in opposition to Congress (non-Brahmin/Tamil movement)
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 1-2 
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 807-846 
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    Notes: In the midst of Pol Pot's struggle for the control of the Cambodian Communist Party in the 1970s, the subject of the Party's history came to assume a crucial importance. In 1976, the date of the foundation of the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) became so important an issue that veteran Party members who remembered that the Party had been founded at a date previous to that claimed by Pol Pot, were tortured and killed for that reason. History was rewritten to suit the interests of Pol Pot's faction and the political circumstances of the time. A particularly sensitive subject was the role played by the Vietnamese in the formation of the Khmer People's Revolutionary Party, the predecessor of the CPK in the 1950s. After the relations between the Vietnamese and Cambodian Parties turned sour in the mid-1970s, the CPK deleted all allusions to the Vietnamese role from its official Party History.
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 919-949 
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    Notes: In 1880, the area north of Calcutta was a ‘jungle’, an area with swamps and marshes and a few scattered villages. With the expansion of the jute industry, the area was rapidly transformed. Factories were set up, and large numbers of people came to the area in search of work. Until the late 1920s, the industry prospered and the population of the industrial area increased enormously, but since then employment growth has stagnated and the population has increased only moderately. At present, the industrial area still shows the features described in the reports at the beginning of this century: ‘mill lines’ crowded with migrant labourers, bad housing conditions, particularly in the private bastis, small houses with little ventilation and light, open drains, public bathing places.
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 967-994 
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    Notes: Monuments, memorials and statues, so commonplace in squares and parks of late twentieth-century cities, have interesting histories and convey particular historiographies. In public arenas planned and maintained by state administrations, symbolic representations situated for the purpose of communicating messages to passersby, visitors, and residents often mark the state's attempt to control space, history and popular memory. By extension, changes in statuary or monumental architecture over time may reflect shifts in rulers and their representations of rule. As Hung (1991) demonstrates, the ‘war of monuments’ in Tiananmen Square reflected struggles for power and demands by those excluded from power for rights and access. The ‘statumania’ of post-revolutionary France personalized contests for power and representation (Agulhon 1985). On the other hand, monuments that remain fixed on landscapes can be variously interpreted over time, forming, as Young (1989:70) has noted, ‘a kind of screen across which the projected shadows of a world's preoccupations continue to flicker and dance.’
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 375-397 
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    Notes: The Chinese migrant's strong sense of attachment to the guxiang (native place) is well recognized, and literature on overseas Chinese generally proceeds on this assumption. There is, however, little discussion on the mechanisms which have bonded the migrant to the native place, either by helping him express his longing and concern for it, or by reminding him of his obligations as a native son. Family ties, ownership of land and business connections as well as pure sentimental attachment, so poignant in centuries of Chinese poetry, naturally make migrants feel concerned for its well-being and eager for its news. Overseas Chinese in most cases continue to communicate with the native place on an individual basis, for there are levels of activities where the scale and complexity are such that only organizational efforts would suffice. At the same time, an easily identifiable institution enables those at home to contact and rally more effectively its migrant fellow-regionals, when the need for spiritual or material help arises.
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 445-448 
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 415-444 
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    Notes: Compared to missionaries like Timothy Richard (1845–1919) and Hudson Taylor (1832–1905), Dr Alexander Maclean Mackay is a name almost unknown in the annals of Christian evangelism in China. The personnel roster of the London Missionary Society, to which he initially belonged, did boast of such luminaries as Robert Morrison (1782–1834), a pioneering Protestant preacher in early nineteenth-century China and James Legge (1815–1897), a missionary turned Sinologist and Oxford don. But Mackay, as one of the Mission's numerous field workers, is not likely to be found in such distinguished company. In fact, his sojourn in China, in comparison, was relatively brief. It lasted not quite six years, from January 1891 to September 1896, when he died of cholera and was buried in China. In many ways, he was merely another missionary, one of the many men and women, Catholic and Protestant, who had toiled in China, then faded into oblivion, and have since eluded the eye of the historical researcher.
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 209-215 
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 215-218 
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 177-195 
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    Notes: ‘I am of course opposed to the driving out of the Malay, but would rather have the land occupied and planted with rubber than lying absolutely uncultivated as it had been’. J. S. Mason, British Adviser Kelantan, 21.7.1911.
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 221-238 
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    Notes: The significance of the coup d'état of 1861 in late-Ch'ing history has been appraised by many scholars. A fairly typical viewpoint has been expressed by the eminent Chinese historian Wu Hsiang-hsiang: ‘Had there not been the coup of 1861, there would not have been the coup of 1898.’ One need not entertain the same degree of determinism to acknowledge, with Wu, that the coup of 1861 was important in its effects on the exercise of imperial power in later decades. The coup did, in fact, not only provide the immediate circumstances which favored an unprecedented experiment with the Ch'ing imperial form, namely, a regency formed by the empresses-dowager, but it did also enable the famous (or infamous) empress-dowager, Tz'u-hsi, to secure her rise to a supremacy in court affairs which ended only with her death in 1908. In view of this second development, scholars have long argued that Tz'u-hsi was both the mastermind and chief beneficiary of the coup, which was the product of her intrigues and manipulations. In fact, it has been called her (Yehonala's) coup d'état. While this view will presently be examined, my main purpose here is to define the nature of the political crisis from which the coup of 1861, as well as the idea of the female regency, originated. This, I believe, is one aspect of the subject that has not been sufficiently investigated.
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 313-331 
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    Notes: If it is true that under the mantle of respectability accorded to the Indian epics and Purāāas one finds all manner of ribaldry and indecorous behavior, then perhaps when one delves into the ill-famed world of nauṭankī one will find a much more straightlaced and conservative view of reality than one might expect. Nauṭankī is the popular theatre tradition of the Hindi and Urdu speaking regions of North India, and in particular of Uttar Pradesh. For anyone beginning research on nauṭankī, the issue of its reputation is unavoidable. Hiraman, the innocent cartdriver in Phanishwarnath Renu's Hindi short story The Third Vow, knew from hearsay that nauṭankī shows were not a proper pastime, though he didn't quite know why, and the knowledge didn't prevent him from falling in love with a nauṭankī actress. Similarly, the Hindi drama critics, if they mention nauṭankī at all, repeat vague warnings; the form is crude and debased, not much can be expected from it. Rām Nārāyaā Agravāl, author of Sāngīt, the leading Hindi monograph on the subject, describes its current state as one of commercial ruin, artistic bankruptcy, and sexual display. Female Indian friends simply comment, ‘We were never allowed to see those plays,’ or ‘Why don't you study something nice?’
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 107-135 
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    Notes: To call Chinese nationals who have emigrated abroad ‘overseas Chinese’ seems very natural, especially since most joined together to form communities of fellow nationals outside of China. (It is not always appropriate to include the children and grandchildren of these emigrants, however.) The term implies a uniformity to the communities that Crissman made explicit in a model which proposed to tie them together and link them to cities in China.
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 79-105 
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    Notes: The year 1927 marked the beginning of a new Anglo-Chinese relationship. The Northern Expedition had split the Nationalist camp into the Nanjing and the Wuhan régimes, both of which conducted a savage purge, one after the other, against the Communists. Especially the Nanjing régime, which ultimately triumphed over Wuhan, wrought a significant change in Guomindang foreign policy. In line with the purge against the Communists, and with the rise to power of the right wing and the military faction, the Guomindang abandoned mass movements and eschewed mob violence as far as possible as a means of achieving foreign policy objectives. Indeed, as it reviewed its position on anti-imperialism which had been an important element in the revolutionary movement during the period 1924–26, the Party reverted to a policy of international co-operation as an essential part of China's self-strengthening and reconstruction, and sought a peaceful solution to the decades-old question of treaty revision. This change is well illustrated by China's new relationship with Great Britain, which, in December 1926, had announced a new, conciliatory policy towards China after having for years been one of the chief targets of Chinese nationalism.
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 437-453 
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    Notes: AbstractUsing reproduced inscription data the present study examines two social facets of the Chinese in nineteenth-century Singapore. The first facet pertains to group participation (economic and social) and it was found that the average amount of donations made by the Hokkiens to their subcommunal organizations was much higher than that given by the Cantonese and Hakkas.On the other hand, more Cantonese and Hakka people contributed to their subcommunal organizations. The interplay of differential economic status and organizational objectives is heuristic in explaining this discrepancy.The second facet is about leadership cohesiveness of the respective subcommunal leaders, and it is derived from percentage of deviant donors which comprises mean percentage of non donors and of cross line donors. The findings show that the Hakka subcommunal leaders were least cohesive, while those of the Chang-Ch'uan Hokkiens most among the four dialect groups being studied. Differential exposure to secret society influence is given as an important explanatory factor. Nepotism prevailing at the leadership hierarchy is also suggested as a crucial factor.
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 519-527 
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 527-528 
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 35-57 
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    Notes: In north India in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries several great landed estates played a crucial part in the consolidation of imperial rule and in the support of the social and economic order. These estates have attracted considerable scholarly attention, but previous research has concentrated primarily on their relations with the colonial administraton and on their general intermediary role in north Indian society. The only study directly concerned with their internal affairs is Dr. P. J. Musgrave's ‘Landlords and Lords of the Land: Estate Management and Social Control in Uttar Pradesh 1860–1920’ (Modern Asian Studies, 6, 3 (1972), pp. 257–75), in which official sources are used as the basis for an account of the internal operations of the great estates in the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh. Hitherto the major obstacle to the examination of the administration of the great estates has been the absence of comprehensive estate records. Fortunately the extensive and well-organized archives of the Raj Darbhanga of Bihar recently have been opened to scholars. In this paper the Raj archives have been drawn upon to provide evidence for an account of the structure and operation of the administration of the Raj Darbhanga during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The paper argues that despite substantial difficulties the Raj Darbhanga effectively pursued its interests by means of a bureaucratic system of management and that therefore Dr Musgrave's conclusions concerning the limited power of the great landed estates need substantial qualification and correction.
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 137-163 
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    Notes: Although it is under the rule and administration of the British, Hong Kong is geographically, socially, economically and politically linked with China. The part played by Hong Kong in the 1911 Revolution has been noted in a number of works, published or unpublished. This paper, however, proposes to examine the role of the Hong Kong educated Chinese in the modernization of China, limiting the study to those who had attended schools in Hong Kong before 1911 and their activities in China during the late Ch'ing and early republican years. During these decades, the English education afforded in the Anglo-Chinese schools in Hong Kong succeeded not only in turning out people who later became leading citizens of the local community but also in producing Western-educated young men who went to China to be engaged in the imperial service, participating directly or indirectly in the various reform programmes in China; while still a greater number, having received some English education in Hong Kong, were recruited into the various modern schools in China to receive training for new careers—modern diplomacy, warfare, engineering, medicine, as well as modern communication and transportation. A number, however, played leading roles in the overthrow of the Manchu dynasty and in the establishment of the Republic of China—among them Dr Sun Yat-sen [...], father of the Republic and its first President, and Wang Ch'ung-hui [...], its first Foreign Minister.
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 143-175 
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    Notes: Amar Singh at twenty began writing on a daily basis. His diary extends over 44 years, from 1898 to 1942. Its last entry is dated 1 November 1942. He died that night. These days, the 89 quarto-size bound volumes averaging 800 manuscript pages can be found at Kanota Fort, ten miles east of Jaipur off the Agra road, where Mohan Singh, his nephew and heir, keeps them in glass-fronted Victorian cabinets in one of the several rooms Amar Singh called his library. In the essay that follows1 I try to show why and how Amar Singh, a diarist writing reflexively about himself, constructed a ‘self as other’ethnography of turn-of-the-century princely and British India. Through the medium of his diary he becomes a participant, an observer, an informant, a narrator, and an author. I set the stage for Amar Singhʼns self-as-other ethnography by examining the separation and alienation in anthropological discourse of self and other. Common to ethnography since Malinowskiʼns invented participant-observer field work, the separation was questioned, then challenged by postcolonial Indian and by postmodern Western anthropologists. I then show how Amar Singh, a self-conscious and critical ‘native’ self, constitutes the other in constituting himself. It is a story about how a native came to represent, speak for, and know himself.
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    Modern Asian studies 31 (1997), S. 221-223 
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 671-688 
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 700-701 
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 704-704 
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 1-2 
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 387-412 
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    Notes: Within the space of a few years a remarkable transformation took place in the taxation system of the Federated Malay States (FMS). Up until the early 1900s the British administration of these states relied, as had the sultans and chiefs from whom the British had taken control in the 1870s, on the revenue farm system for collecting many taxes. Most revenue farms were constituted according to the standard pattern found elsewhere in Southeast Asia at this time and in Europe up to the eighteenth century. The government granted a private contractor, the revenue farmer, the exclusive right to collect a certain tax in a specified area for a set number of years in return for a fixed rent, and the farmer kept for himself any money which he collected over and above what he owed the government in rent. A great variety of taxes were collected in this way. There were farms to collect the export duty on atap, firewood, timber, and rattan; most towns had market farms; and in Perak there was even a ‘farm of river turtle eggs’. But the most important farms were those which profited from what officials referred to as the ‘luxuries and vices’ of the immigrant Chinese community, particularly the workers who mined the tin which was the main source of wealth of these states.These farms were for the collection of the import duty on opium to be consume by Chinese in the mining districts of the interior, the sale of prepared opium (chandu) in coastal districts, the manufacture of spirits and the collection of the import duty on spirits, the right to run pawnshops, and the right to organize public gambling. Next to the export duty on tin, which the government collected itself, the income from these farms was the government's largest source of revenue. In the period 1890-94, 38.8 percent of the total revenue of the four states came from the export duty on tin and about 33 percent from the farms.2 But within the space of a few years the government abolished all the major farms, and by 1913 virtually none of the revenue of the FMS cam from revenue farms.
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 477-488 
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    Notes: Merchants in the Tokugawa period were placed at the bottom of the shinōkōshōhierarchy of samurai-peasants-artisans-merchants. This social hierarchy was produced by a combination of social reality at the time Japan was unified in the late sixteenth century and an ancient Chinese physiocratic theory, never taken very seriously, in practical ways, in China. Once the country was unified, the social mobility of the previous years, of a kind which permitted men of ability to climb from the lowest ranks to join the military nobility—Hideyoshi is the prime example of this mobility—was viewed, by Hideyoshi above all others, as a cause of prolonged chaos and internecine warfare. With the argument that war had been abolished and common people therefore no longer needed weapons, Hideyoshi carried out his ‘sword-hunt’. He thus established the most fundamental of the class distinctions, between the samurai, the ruling class, who now enjoyed a monopoly of bearing arms, and the common people, who were henceforth expected simply to produce the food and other necessities of life, and to pay their taxes, which remained high even though warfare was supposedly ended.
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 1-2 
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 1-9 
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 591-628 
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    Notes: In absolutist Europe the administrative device called ‘farming’ covered at most the collection of customs and a number of other indirect taxes. In contrast we find in India and in many Muslim states that, in addition to customs, indirect taxes, and a wide range of less important miscellaneous items, the land-revenue itself could be farmed as well. It is chiefly with that of the latter, as implemented by the Maratha government, that this article is concerned. We will attempt to show that a variety of forms of land-revenue farming prevailed not only under the much-discredited Baji Rao II, the last of the Peshwas, but was also of regular occurrence under comparatively paternalistic rulers like Madhav Rao I and Nana Fadnis, and in fact throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Secondly, it will be argued that revenue farming was either a characteristic response to crisis, or otherwise occurred only under frontier conditions.
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 698-700 
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 701-702 
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 413-435 
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    Notes: Malaysia's planning organization has become the institutional centrepiece of that country's development effort. Indeed, Malaysia ranks as one of the non-Communist developing countries where planning is most highly institutionalized. Malaysian planning evolved as an effective policy mechanism for directing the authoritative allocation of public resources towards declared developmental objectives. Despite this attachment to national planning, Malaysia remains a staunchly market-oriented, open, and predominantly private enterprise economy. Nevertheless, as the role of planning expanded, private sector activity became increasingly subject to policy interventions predicated upon the politically-determined goals of development planning.
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 173-176 
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 170-172 
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 197-219 
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    Notes: As a daily necessity for human life and also as a taxed commodity, salt has played an important part in the economic and political development of China. As salt is used regularly by all people, its annual consumption is largely predictable so that a tax on salt, as a disguised poll tax, provided the government with a reliable source of revenue. For this reason, it has drawn the special attention of statesmen and financiers throughout China's history. In terms of economic magnitude, the business of the production and marketing of salt was a major industry in agrarian China for centuries and the largest single economic undertaking in Ch'ing China (1644–1911). Control of salt and its financial gains frequently became the immediate objectives of revolutionaries, rebels, brigands, and other organized malcontents in China. The sources of salt supply in Ch'ing China were widespread. Several distinctive methods of production were employed in different areas. The distribution of salt involved all types of transportation available in traditional China. Its flow was well geared to the national, regional and local trade. This paper reconstructs the salt trade in Ch'ing China in its geographical context. It stresses five aspects: centers of production, state control, trade networks, means of transportation, and spatial structure of market areas.
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 257-281 
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    Notes: AbstractThe 1870s witnessed mounting tension among East Asian countries. In 1874,. Japan sent an expeditionary force to Taiwan to punish the aborigines there who had, in 1871, killed fifty-four shipwrecked Ryūkyūans (Liu-ch'iuans). By doing so, according to many scholars today, Japan was able to claim retroactively that the Ryūkyūan castaways were legally Japanese subjects, thereby ending the Sino-Japanese dispute over the ambiguous political status of the Ryūkyū Islands (the Chūzan Kingdom of Ryūkyū paid tribute to both China and the Satsuma-han of Japan before the 18705).This paper is a reappraisal of this episode of the ‘Quasi-war’ in East Asia. By going into the Chinese, Japanese, Ryūkyūan, and Western sources, it unfolds some unknown events which directly and indirectly led to the Japanese decision to send forces to Taiwan, as well as the Chinese reactions. The conclusion of this paper refutes the customary view which holds that China had in 1874 ‘renounced her claim over Ryūkyū and yielded to the Japanese claim she had earlier disputed.’ As this paper will show, neither Soejima Taneomi nor Ōkubo Toshimichi had succeeded in securing any Chinese endorsement of Japan's sovereign right over Ryūky¯. Nor did the Sino-Japanese Treaty of 1874, concerning the settlement of the Taiwan crisis, legally settle the Ryūkyū problem, since Ryūky¯ was never mentioned in the Treaty. As a result, the issue continued to trouble Peking and Tokyo in the years that immediately followed.
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 351-352 
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 1-2 
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 59-78 
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    Notes: Recent historiography of India has focused much needed attention on rural economy and society. The literature has dealt with a number of issues, such as merchants, credit, impact of communications, land-tenure (revenue), rural politics, rich peasants and general essays on the ‘agrarian structure’ of various regions of the sub-continent. In many of the studies a common theme emerges. It is suggested that with the establishment of an integrated market economy in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries rural wealth and power tended to concentrate in the hands of relatively few rich peasants or a rural elite. In the case of south India, the contention of increased rural stratification on these lines is most convincingly put forth by David Washbrook and Christopher Baker in a series of articles and books. The present analysis will concentrate on Washbrooks' writings in reference to the agrarian structure of the ‘dry’ districts. His works provide the most comprehensive and coherent statement of the ‘rural magnate’ interpretation of agrarian organization.
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 1-2 
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    Modern Asian studies 17 (1983), S. 563-590 
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    Notes: The aim of this paper is to interpret the life experience of a south Indian landholder at the end of the nineteenth century. The basis for interpretation comes from the author's analysis of the values of political economy among, chiefly, warrior castes as they adjusted to constraints of imperial rule from 1800 in Madras Presidency. The method of exposition is, for the most part, descriptive and narrative, with the intention of highlighting and contextualizing major concepts governing the man's thoughts and actions. Because the subject, a wealthy Tamil zamindar, kept English-language diaries, problems of cultural anachronism in the prose below are mitigated. Having the English vocabulary—or a small part of it—of our subject subverts the bugbear of ethnosociology, the cultural distortions inherent in using an alien language as one discusses the values of a social group. Contemporary newspaper commentary in English also lends cultural accuracy to the narrative. Memories of the subject linger still in Madurai Town, scene of many of his activities. I wrote the major part of the piece in Madurai and was honoured with a request to read it to the membership of the local Historical Society. That membership gave me paradoxical relief in saying of this cultural account, ‘She has told us nothing new about Baskara Setupati.’
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