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  • 1
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 79-90 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
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  • 2
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 91-97 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
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  • 3
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 1-2 
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  • 4
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 1-10 
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  • 5
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 335-338 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: Since Schweickart asserts that I have not addressed his main argument, let me consider briefly the four claims he advances at the beginning of his second reply.Regarding 1: To argue, as I have, that there would be a strong tendency for market socialism to degenerate into capitalism, it is necessary to spell out carefully what capitalism is. Following Marx, I defined capitalism as a system in which the workers do not control the means of production and the workers sell their labor power as a commodity. As G.A. Cohen has pointed out (Cohen, 1978, pp. 219–23), this definition can be given a rechtsfrei characterization in terms of effective powers over means of production and labor power. Actual legal arrangements are not the issue. In my original paper, I never said that the workers would sell the means of production. Thus 1 is irrelevant. The real questions are: (a) Who effectively controls the means of production? (b) Who effectively gets the profits? If the answer to both of these questions is, “Not the workers,” it follows that the workers are effectively proletarians and the system is a form of capitalism.
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  • 6
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 49-66 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: I want in this paper to do two things. First, I want to respond to some studies that argue that people are often not rational: that people regularly and systematically depart from rationality. The conclusion itself does not worry me. I pressed for the same in a recent book (Schick, 1984). But the arguments seem to me wrong, and wrong in an interesting way. There may be something to be learned from seeing how and why they fail.
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  • 7
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 1-22 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: In 1970 Amartya Sen exposed an apparent antinomy that has come to be known as the Paradox of the Paretian Libertarian (Sen, 1970b, pp. 152–57). Sen introduced his paradox by establishing a simple but startling theorem. Roughly put, what he proved was that if a mechanism for selecting social choice functions satisfies two standard adequacy conditions, there are possible situations in which it will violate either the very weak libertarian precept that every individual has at least some rights or the seemingly innocuous Paretian principle that an option should be judged unacceptable if there is an available alternative that everyone prefers to it. Many economists and philosophers have proposed solutions to Sen's problem, but there is no general consensus on what solution (if any) is correct. In the present paper I argue that Sen's original theorem fails to establish the existence of any conflict between libertarianism and Paretianism. Furthermore, I contend that Sen has misinterpreted certain other theorems which he has used to defend the existence of a paradoxical conflict between these two doctrines. In general, I try to show that whenever Sen posits a Paretian-libertarian conflict to explain an apparently troubling result in social choice theory, the difficulty can be better dealt with either by claiming that the theorem in question imposes overly strong background constraints on the form of social choice functions or by claiming that it relies on an unacceptable construal of individual rights.
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  • 8
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 127-130 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: In their article, Geoffrey Brennan and Loren Lomasky (1985, p. 199) present an alternative to market theories of voting behavior. Contrary to market theories which view the voter as acting to maximize the expected self-interest, the alternative view sees voting as fundamentally an act of self-expression: “Voting, like speech, is an expressive activity providing an outlet for one's moral sentiments. We suggest that it is the expressive return to a vote that frequently determines the behavior of individuals in large-number electorates.”
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  • 9
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 67-95 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: Is rhetoric just a new and trendy way to épater les bourgeois? Unfortunately, I think that the newfound interest of some economists in rhetoric, and particularly Donald McCloskey in his new book and subsequent responses to critics (McCloskey, 1985a, 1985b), gives that impression. After economists have worked so hard for the past five decades to learn their sums, differential calculus, real analysis, and topology, it is a fair bet that one could easily hector them about their woeful ignorance of the conjugation of Latin verbs or Aristotle's Six Elements of Tragedy. Moreover, it has certainly become an academic cliché that economists write as gracefully and felicitously as a hundred monkeys chained to broken typewriters. The fact that economists still trot out Keynes's prose in their defense is itself an index of the inarticulate desperation of an inarticulate profession.
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  • 10
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 139-142 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: Rosenberg (1986) argues that economists have embraced the methodology of scientific research programs, and the writings of Imre Lakatos (1978), at the same time that philosophers have been abandoning that approach. According to Rosenberg, the methodology of scientific research programs (MSRP) appears to allow some work in economics, which is neither tested nor testable, to be “scientific” nonetheless. That is, MSRP justifies some current practices which look hard to justify on strict falsificationist, or dogmatic positivist, grounds.
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  • 11
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 131-138 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: How may we best understand the motivational structure that stands behind individuals' acts of voting? In “The Impartial Spectator Goes to Washington” we suggested that expressive concerns swamp narrowly consequential motivations, in contradistinction to normal market transactions in which the priority is reversed. A striking consequence of this fact is that individuals will be led to vote for outcomes that they would reject were they in a position to act decisively. In this regard we found the moral psychology Adam Smith develops in The Theory of Moral Sentiments (TMS) (and, to a lesser extent, in The Wealth of Nations) remarkably fecund in suggesting alternatives to what we call the standard theory of electoral behavior.
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  • 12
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 83-99 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: Discussions of Karl Popper's falsificationist philosophy of science appear regularly in the recent literature on economic methodology. In this literature, there seem to be two fundamental points of agreement about Popper. First, most economists take Popper's falsificationist method of bold conjecture and severe test to be the correct characterization of scientific conduct in the physical sciences. Second, most economists admit that economic theory fails miserably when judged by these same falsificationist standards. As Latsis (1976, p. 8) states, “the development of economic analysis would look a dismal affair through falsificationist spectacles.”
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  • 13
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 101-108 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: F. A. Hayek is uniquely responsible for his fellow economists grasping the importance of the decentralization of knowledge: as Hayek shows in his pathbreaking “The Use of Knowledge in Society,” knowledge nowhere exists as a coherent whole and to pretend otherwise is a most serious error. Hayek also shares responsibility for the popularity of a strong form of the methodological individualist research program which asserts that since collectives as such have no impact on the choices of individuals, investigators ought to purge any reliance on collectives from our analysis.
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  • 14
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 127-127 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
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  • 15
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 467-469 
    ISSN: 0266-4666
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    Topics: Economics
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  • 16
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 1-1 
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    Topics: Economics
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  • 17
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 223-246 
    ISSN: 0266-4666
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: In this paper we develop full information methods for estimating the parameters of a system of simultaneous equations with error component structure and establish relationships between the various structural estimators.
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  • 18
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 299-304 
    ISSN: 0266-4666
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: We derive exact finite-sample expressions for the biases and risks of several common pretest estimators of the scale parameter in the linear regression model. These estimators are associated with least squares, maximum likelihood and minimum mean squared error component estimators. Of these three criteria, the last is found to be superior (in terms of risk under quadratic loss) when pretesting in typical situations.
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  • 19
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 1-1 
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  • 20
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 69-97 
    ISSN: 0266-4666
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: This paper addresses two related issues in the literature of non-nested hypotheses testing. Firstly, by means of a measure of “closeness” of probability density functions, it shows how any two hypotheses can be placed into the nested and the non-nested categories with the latter category being subdivided further into “globally” and “partially” non-nested hypotheses. Secondly, by emphasizing the distinction between a “local null” and a “local alternative,” the paper shows that only in the case of partially non-nested hypotheses is it possible to specify local alternatives. In this case the paper derives the asymptotic distribution of the Cox test statistic under local alternatives and shows that it is distributed as a normal variate with a mean which is directly related to the measure of “closeness” of the alternative to the null hypothesis.
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  • 21
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 159-159 
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    Topics: Economics
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  • 22
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 159-160 
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  • 23
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 162-162 
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  • 24
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 208-222 
    ISSN: 0266-4666
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: Many observed macrovariables are simple aggregates over a large number of microunits. It is pointed out that the generating process of the macrovariables is largely determined by the common factors in the generating mechanisms of the microvariables, even though these factors may be very unimportant at the microlevel. It follows that macrorelationships are simpler than the complete microrelationships, but that empirical investigations of microrelationships may not catch those components, containing common factors, which will determine the macrorelationship. It is also shown that an aggregate expectation or forecast is simply the common factor component of the individual agents expectations.
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 247-271 
    ISSN: 0266-4666
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: A Taylor series approach is used to derive approximations to the approximate slope of LR, W, and LM test statistics. These can be useful when the approximate slopes themselves are complicated. The results are applied to the test of linear coefficient restrictions in the linear model with a nonscalar covariance matrix. They can be used to find cases where the Wald test may badly over-reject in this model. The results shed some new light on the over-rejection that has been noted in the special cases of AR(1) disturbances and the SURE model.
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 359-370 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: We compare the distributional properties of the four predictors commonly used in practice. They are based on the maximum likelihood, two types of the least squared, and the Yule-Walker estimators. The asymptotic expansions of the distribution, bias, and mean-squared error for the four predictors are derived up to O(T−1), where T is the sample size. Examining the formulas of the asymptotic expansions, we find that except for the Yule-Walker type predictor, the other three predictors have the same distributional properties up to O(T−1).
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  • 27
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 461-463 
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    Topics: Economics
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 464-466 
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  • 29
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 471-471 
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  • 30
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 169-169 
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 297-298 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: In this paper we identify a restriction on the finite-sample application of Magdalinos's asymptotic expansions for the t statistic based on the k-class instrumental variable estimator.
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 305-306 
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    Topics: Economics
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  • 33
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 306-306 
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  • 34
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 1-44 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: In an hypothesis testing problem involving nuisance parameters for which boundedly complete sufficient statistics exist under the null hypothesis, the class of all similar regions for the problem is characterized by the conditional distribution of the data given these sufficient statistics. If there exists a one-to-one transformation y → (t, u) of the data, y, to the sufficient statistic, t, and a second vector of statistics, u, that is independent of t under the null hypothesis, then the statistic u itself characterizes the class of similar regions. This paper applies this idea to five testing problems of interest in econometrics. In each case we obtain the density of the relevant statistic under the null hypothesis, when it is free of nuisance parameters, and under the alternative. Using the density under the alternative, we discuss the power properties of the class of similar tests for each problem. Other applications are also suggested.
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 143-149 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: This article deals with the derivation of the exact discrete model that corresponds to a closed linear first-order continuous-time system with mixed stock and flow data. This exact discrete model is (under appropriate additional conditions) a stationary autoregressive moving average time series model and may allow one to obtain asymptotically efficient estimators of the parameters describing the continuous-time system.
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 160-161 
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 349-358 
    ISSN: 0026-749X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: An incidental aside in one of my books has become the focal point of a small controversy. Experiment with Freedom, India and Pakistan 1947 was a brief work which attempted to give a more precise and particular account of the events which led up to the transfer of power. Most attention has been paid to my interpretation of the celebrated episode at Simla in May 1947 when Nehru reacted violently to Mountbatten's plans for transferring power. I suggested that the crisis was not an external confrontation between British and Indian views over whether India should remain united, or be divided, or split into fractions, but was essentially an internal crisis in the mind of Jawaharlal Nehru. To try to explain why Nehru was so upset by a plan which he had, in all essentials, previously (however reluctantly) accepted, I made a comparison with his later reaction to Chinese activities on the Indian border. Nobody adopted the slogan Hindi-Chini-Bhai-Bhai (‘Indians and Chinese are Brothers’) more ardently than Nehru and so the revelation that they were enemies came as a profound personal shock. Speaking on the morrow of the Chinese invasion, Nehru said that he now realized that they had been ‘out of touch with reality’, in an ‘artificial atmosphere of our own creation’. The Times printed this observation under the sardonic heading ‘The Dreamers’ (26 October 1962). I suggested that at Simla Nehru exhibited ‘much the same apparent amnesia’.
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 211-238 
    ISSN: 0026-749X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: In July 1928, upon the termination of the Northern Expedition, Chiang Kai-shek presented a sacrificial message to the departed leader, Sun Yat-sen, whose body reposed in the Pi-yün Temple outside the city of Peking. Sun had committed his life, Chiang declared, to the attainment of eight tasks in the rebuilding of a new China: (1) the explication of the Kuomintang's principles and the expunging of ‘unorthodox views’, (2) the constructing of a unified party through the curbing of individual freedom and the acceptance of party discipline, (3) the transfer of the national capital to Nanking to symbolize a new beginning for the nation, (4) a purposeful change in the ‘heart’ of the citizenry, (5) the psychological, economic, political and social reconstruction of the nation, (6) the disbanding of troops, (7) the termination of civil strife and a total commitment to national defence, and (8) the speedy introduction of local autonomy. These personal commitments—and public admonitions, as they were also meant to be—covered a wide range of national concerns, dealing as they did with ideology and organization, power and legitimacy, political socialization and national integration. It is noteworthy, however, that Chiang at the moment of personal triumph turned his attention above all to the ideological function of the ruling élite in the transitional Chinese society.
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 291-297 
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 302-302 
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 177-178 
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 181-182 
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 23-42 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Both in terms of area and population, the fifteen changwads of the North-east constitute the largest of the four basic regions in the Kingdom of Thailand. Recent census data indicate that 37.9 per cent of the 3.2 million Thai farm households live in this region cultivating a similar proportion of the country's 69.7 million rai (I rai = 0.395 acre) of land in agricultural holdings. However, the region seems to have more than its fair share of the problems which stand in the way of the Government's efforts to accelerate the country's economic development. At present, the solution to the ‘North-east Problem’ remains as elusive as it was a decade ago. In spite of the impressive amount of public expenditure already poured into the region for improving the infra-structure and providing a wide range of rural facilities, together with an ever-increasing amount of services rendered by national and international agencies for planning and implementing the processes of growth, the per caput income of the North-easterner still lags as far behind that of his fellow countryman residing elsewhere in the kingdom as it did in the recent past. This article attempts to analyse the interaction of the physical conditions and socio-economic problems which are bound up in the existing land-use system of the North-east.
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 94-95 
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 193-209 
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    Notes: The Position of the tribal minorities in the Philippines is fundamentally different from that of comparable populations in other parts of Asia. The manner in which they have been enabled to run their own affairs and retain many features of their traditional culture while simultaneously acquiring Western education and familiarity with certain modern technological achievements is indicative of an approach to minority problems which distinguishes the Philippines from most other Asian countries. Whereas in the former colonial territories of Britain, France and the Netherlands a centrally controlled service of professional administrators endeavoured to impose on all populations, advanced as well as backward, a minimum respect for law and order as seen by the colonial power, in the Philippines neither the Spanish rulers nor the American authorities set up a type of district administration such as existed, for instance, in British India. When in 1898 the Americans replaced the Spanish régime, they did not give high priority to establishing throughout the islands an administration capable of dealing effectively with problems of law and order. In the lowlands they could build on a political system set up by the Spanish, but in the mountains of Northern Luzon, the area with which I am here concerned, they found not even the skeleton of a colonial administration. The entire hill-region was inhabited by warring tribes, torn by feuds and passionately addicted to the practice of head-hunting. Faced with a similar situation in such areas as the Naga Hills on the Assam—Burma border, the British had set about pacifying the tribes, stage by stage, and area by area, establishing outposts of military police and creating administrative units in charge of high-powered and specially selected members of the Indian Civil Service. Village elders were made responsible to these district officers, who administered summary justice in their capacity of magistrates, and this paternalistic system worked well as long as British rule lasted, but was hardly intended to prepare the ground for a system of representative democracy.
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 301-301 
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 797-813 
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    Notes: The subject of this paper is the fate of progressive taxation in South Asia. This is a subject about which Kingsley Martin himself would have had mixed feelings. On the one hand, he strongly advocated a redistributive fiscal strategy. On the other hand, he was never at all comfortable examining the kind of economic analysis with which it is usually justified. Somewhat unfairly, he distrusted all orthodox economists on moral grounds (Martin, 1966: 34). Moreover, his prolonged encounter with the unorthodox economics of Maynard Keynes was equally unsatisfactory as an educational experience. Lord Boothby summed up Martin's efforts to learn the technicalities of economics from Keynes as follows: ‘Kingsley simply never understood economics and yet he was always trying to understand. “Explain it to me, then” he would say, but his attention soon wandered’ (Rolph, 1973: 195).
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 1-2 
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    Modern Asian studies 23 (1989), S. 459-492 
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    Notes: Recently, we have come to see that the perceptions which we had of the decay and destruction of India in the eighteenth century were more than anything else a product of British writing which sought consciously or unconsciously to magnify and color the changes which took place in the eighteenth century to enhance the magnitude of their own ‘achievements’ from then onwards. ‘achievements’ from then onwards. Secondly, we have come to see the interaction of British desires for political security on the one hand and a steady income from land and other taxes as producing a situation first of depression in the first half of the nineteenth century and later of gradual underdevelopment at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth. It is therefore possible now to understand the unwillingness of the British administration in India to engage in any large-scale developmental activity which would upset the political balance which the British had established early in their relationship with landed and mercantile groups in the area. In this essay, I should like to address the connection between British support for landed groups in the agrarian area outside of Madras on the one hand and the colonial ‘discovery’ and reinforcement of traditions on the other, to understand both the nature of colonial control strategies and the genesis of Indian revivalism.
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    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 1-11 
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    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 1-2 
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    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 121-166 
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    Notes: John Stuart Mill provides a classic defense of individual and group rights to liberty with respect to purely private or self-regarding matters:The only part of the conduct of any one, for which he is amenable to society, is that which concerns others. In the part which merely concerns himself ... directly, and in the first instance, ... his independence is, of right, absolute.... From this liberty of each individual, follows the liberty, within the same limits, of combination among individuals; freedom to unite, for any purpose not involving harm to others: the persons combining being supposed to be of full age, and not forced or deceived. (1859, pp. 224–26)
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    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 167-188 
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    Notes: Economic approaches to both social evaluation and decision-making are typically Paretian or utilitarian in nature and so display commitments to both welfarism and consequentialism. The contrast between the economic approach and any rights-based social philosophy has spawned a large literature that may be divided into two branches. The first is concerned with the compatibility of rights and utilitarianism (or Pare-tianism) seen as independent moral forces (e.g., the debate on the possibility of a Paretian liberal). This branch of the literature may be characterized as an example of the broader debate between the teleological and deontological approaches. The second is concerned with the possibility that substantial rights may be grounded in utilitarianism (or Pare-tianism) with the moral force of rights being derived from more basic commitments to welfarism and consequentialism. This branch of the literature may be characterized as an exploration of the flexibility of the teleological approach, and, in particular, its ability to give rise to views more normally associated with the deontological approach. This essay is concerned with the second branch of the literature.
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    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 209-234 
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    Notes: In a recent article in this journal, D. Wade Hands (1987) reviewed Charles Taylor's two-volume work, Philosophical Papers (1985). Hands predicts that Taylor's work will have no impact on the philosophy of economics. This may indeed turn out to be the case; but if so, it will only be because the profession is not listening. Of course, it is typical of the profession to be more interested in exporting its product than in learning from other disciplines. This is exemplified in Hands's use of the term “philosophy of economics” – philosophy is the handmaiden of the highly successful enterprise of economics. But this journal is called Economics and Philosophy, which means that a conversation requiring an openness and attentiveness is called for between economics and philosophy.
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    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 189-208 
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    Notes: One of the fundamental components of the concept of economic rationality is that preference orderings are “complete,” i.e., that all alternative actions an economic agent can take are comparable (Arrow, 1951; De-breu, 1959). The idea that all actions can be ranked may be called the single utility assumption. The attractiveness of this assumption is considerable. It would be hard to fathom what choice among alternatives means if the available alternatives cannot be ranked by the chooser in some way. In addition, the efficiency criterion makes sense only if one can infer that an individual's choice reflects the best, in expected welfare terms, among all choices that individual could have made (Sen, 1982a). The possibility that a rearrangement of resources could make someone “better off” without making others “worse off” can be understood only if the post-rearrangement world is comparable with the pre-rearrange-ment world.
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    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 235-253 
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    Notes: Parfit's requirements for an ideal Theory X cannot be fully met since the Mere Addition Principle and Non-Antiegalitarianism imply the Repugnant Conclusion: Theory X does not exist. However, since the Repugnant Conclusion is really compelling, the Impersonal Total Principle should be adopted for impartial comparisons concerning future generations. Nevertheless, where our own interests are affected, we may yet choose to be partial, trading off our concern for future (or others') goodness with our self-interests. Theory X' (maximization of number-dampened total utility) meets all Parfit's requirements except the Mere Addition Principle in less compelling cases.
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    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 1-4 
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    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 1-2 
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    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 255-261 
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    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 1-6 
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    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 7-18 
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    Notes: Should social preferences conform to the principles of rationality we normally expect of individuals? Should they, for instance, conform to the consistency axioms of expected utility theory? This article considers one fragment of this question.
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    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 19-32 
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    Notes: A recent paper by David Levy (1987) focuses on “utility enhancing consumption constraints.” Levy concludes by noting that his analysis stays within standard utility maximizing theory, in contrast to my analysis of rule-governed behavior (Heiner, 1983, 1985a, 1985b, 1986, 1988a, 1988b, 1988c) which allows imperfect decisions that don't always maximize utility. I wish to show how our two theories can be integrated, thereby representing complementary, rather than conflicting, explanations. In the process, I argue that imperfect decisions are an essential factor in the stability of any rule that constrains freedom of choice. I also briefly discuss certain intrinsic problems with achieving “self-stabilizing” rules applied to moral teachings.
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    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 47-54 
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    Notes: Basic liberty, according to Rawls's first principle of justice, is not to be sacrificed for other values such as wealth. And, according to his second principle of justice, the material well-being of the worst-off members of society is not to be sacrificed to benefit better-off members of society. These trade-offs would be unjust, according to Rawls, no matter how small the sacrifice or how large the offsetting benefit. A decision-maker conforming to Rawls's theory, who is unwilling to sacrifice some values in favor of others, has lexical preferences. Lexical preferences, however, are not encountered in studies of consumer demand for market goods. Since goods trade off within the range of choices studied in demand theory, it seems to economists that political values ought to trade off as well.
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    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 33-46 
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    Notes: The social discount rate – the rate at which future benefit flows from government investment are discounted to present value – has been a frequent subject of technical debate among professional economists. From a broader perspective, however, the selection of an appropriate rate enjoins consideration of questions that define the very contours of our public philosophy. It carries implicit assumptions about the nature of citizenship, the relation between public and private spheres, and, most singularly, the status of a political society as it is located in time. A key determinant of intertemporal economic allocation, the social discount rate provides a unique registry of a polity's historical consciousness and perceptions of its intergenerational obligations. Yet the highly technical nature of the debate over the discount rate has proven inhospitable to scholars otherwise inclined to investigate its ethical dimensions. Some, notably A. K. Sen, have begun to address these philosophical issues, though much territory remains to be explored.
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    Economics and philosophy 5 (1989), S. 69-78 
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    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 1-2 
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    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 1-7 
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    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 177-178 
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 151-188 
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    Notes: If one is an egalitarian, what should one want to equalize? Opportunities or outcomes? Resources or welfare? These positions are usually conceived to be very different. I argue in this paper that the distinction is misconceived: the only coherent conception of resource equality implies welfare equality, in an appropriately abstract description of the problem. In this section, I motivate the program which the rest of the paper carries out.
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 189-211 
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    Notes: When economists pay homage to the wisdom of the distant past (not the most common of professional exercises) it is more likely that a work two decades old is being admired than one two centuries old. Economics is a science, and the sciences are noteworthy for their digestion and assimilation of the work of previous generations. Contributions remain only as accretions to the accepted body of knowledge; the writings and the writers disappear almost without trace. A conspicuous exception to this rule of professional cannibalization is Adam Smith. Since 1776 he has not lacked for honors that have escaped even his most illustrious peers. Who, after all, wears a David Ricardo necktie? So to the author of The Wealth of Nations, all praise!
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 289-289 
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    Notes: The central argument of this interesting paper is that Popper appears to be inconsistent: on the one hand, he preaches methodological monism-scientific method in the social sciences is identical to scientific method in the natural sciences-and on the other hand he advocates “situational analysis” as the unique method of the social sciences. Situational analysis is nothing but our old neoclassical friend, the rationality principle-individual maximizing behavior subject to constraints-and thus, Popper seems to be saying, neoclassical economics is the only valid kind of social science.
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 290-294 
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    Notes: It is easy for a professional philosopher who reads Learner's essay “Let's Take the Con Out of Econometrics” to find a great deal in it that seems contentious, cavalier, or objectionable. Philosophers may even be puzzled as to what the fuss is all about. My guess is that the sorts of complaints philosophical readers are likely to make about Learner's paper are more the result of style than substance. The substance is very important.
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 303-335 
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 295-302 
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    Notes: My essay “Let's Take the Con out of Econometrics” is intended to be an amusing, titillating, and even annoying distillation of ideas that I have published in a more formal, academic style in many different locations over the course of several years. As far as I could tell, these ideas were widely ignored until I adopted the more contentious style of “Con,” which, since its publication two years ago, has been reprinted in two volumes and excerpted in two others. There is something to be learned from this episode about the sociology of ideas. Notoriety, however, is a mixed blessing, since now I find myself spending too much of my time trying to explain what I meant.
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 351-352 
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 1-2 
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 110-125 
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    Notes: This essay is a review of Ronald Dworkin's recent essay on equality of resources (Dworkin, 1981b). Many of the ideas discussed by Dworkin have also been examined by economists with, I believe, considerable insight. Unfortunately, economists tend to write for economists, not for philosophers, and their insights are seldom communicated properly to noneconomists. Of course, the same criticism can be levied on philosophers! But perhaps legal theorists are less subject to this criticism. One of the great contributions of Dworkin is that he is very readable; and the quality of his exposition makes these ideas accessible to a wide audience of philosophers, lawyers, and social scientists in general.
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 128-133 
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    Notes: There is a simple joy in finding that the emperor has positively no clothes and especially when the finger is pointed in ribald good English. Donald McCloskey does this service in “The Rhetoric of Economics”, where he argues with force and wit that “modernism” (meaning, roughly, positivism, as in “Positive Economics”) will do as an account neither of what economists do nor of what it makes philosophical sense for them to attempt. Instead they should recognize that models are always metaphors and should make a virtue of the literary devices, which they in fact rely on. Armed with the craft of rhetoric and a new “poetics of economics,” they will achieve better writing, better teaching, better foreign relations, better science and better dispositions.
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 139-142 
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 1-1 
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    Notes: We give an expression to order O(T-1), where T is the sample size, for bias to the estimated coefficient on a lagged dependent variable when all other regressors are exogenous. The general expression is a nonlinear function of the coefficient on the lagged dependent variable, the autoregressive structure of the exogenous variables, and the coefficients on the exogenous variables. The maximum bias that can arise is a linear function of the number of exogenous regressors in the estimating equation.
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    Notes: We provide rankings of academic institutions according to the publication record of their faculty members in the specialization of econometrics. The rankings are based on standardized page counts of articles published by faculty members in 14 journals over the period 1980 to 1985. Separate rankings of the 200 leading institutions are provided for their theoretical contributions, as well as their contributions in theory and applied work. The rankings are compared with a ranking in the general field of economics.
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 325-347 
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    Notes: After the Taiping Rebellion, Governors-General and Governors had access to resources and performed functions which were formerly outside their purview. These resources were mainly the new provincial armies which had defeated the Taipings, and the likin taxes which had been invented to sustain the armies. Leading provincial officials such as Li Hung-chang also found themselves initiating and implementing, on a local basis, ‘self-strengthening’ economic projects ranging from arsenals to mines. They tended to be stationed longer in the same posts, and to have a certain amount of say in the appointment of their subordinates.
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 359-365 
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    Notes: The north-east frontier of India has today become a controversial issue between India and China. It is well known that this frontier is inhabited by many tribes. They are different from the plainsmen of Assam and, like the Tibetans, Mongoloid in origin. This has led some people to argue that they are far closer to Tibetans than to Indians, or that they are not Indian in any sense of the word. Such arguments are based on the assumption that the people of India do not include people of Mongoloid origin. But there are many Indians who are Mongoloid, especially those who live in the hills of Assam south of the Brahmaputra. And in such important respects as religion, dress and methods of building, the people of the north-east frontier of India are far closer to the hilimen living south of the Brahmaputra than to Tibetans. On ethnic grounds therefore it cannot be said that this frontier area is a part of Tibet rather than of India.
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 376-377 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
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  • 93
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 305-324 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: It is generally recognized that modern knowledge of the functioning of Chinese society is radically imperfect, and that this is increasingly the case as the topic of discussion is the more limited in locality and the more confined to the domestic details of native Chinese civilization. As the study of the complexities and subtleties of local social and economic organization in our own cities and countrysides has grown and developed, together with that of many other parts of the world with infinitely shorter histories and weaker societies than those of China, students of China have become increasingly aware of the great gulf which resides between what it would be satisfying to know about the China of the past (and the present), and the little which is known in detail, and with any degree of certainty, about these topics.
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  • 94
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 367-368 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
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  • 95
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
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  • 96
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 377-378 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
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  • 97
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 269-290 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: This Article deals with the turbulent years in Japan from 1853 to 1862, during which Yokoi Shōnan, a middle-ranking scholar–samurai from Kumamoto in Higo province in central Kyushu, was to gain national renown as a fearless, forthright thinker. This was Japan's first desperate crisis from abroad since the Mongol invasions in the late thirteenth century, a crisis which was to set in motion the final disintegration of the once mighty Tokugawa power in Japan.
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  • 98
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 83-92 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: In Malaya, as in many underdeveloped nations, problems of the peasantry form a source of continual anxiety. One of the most intractable of these was described by the Malayan Government as ‘the unsatisfactory situation [of] overcrowding on the land and the frustration of ambitions to acquire land.’ How this situation has come about is the initial concern of this paper, which explores the historical record of agricultural development and land ownership in one area of western Malaya. By tracing changes that have taken place since 1890, it is hoped to demonstrate how and at what rates limited resources of land have become partitioned among increasing numbers of people, a process that, being the very antithesis of development, has been termed ‘agricultural involution’ by Geertz. The information is then supplemented with modern records from other areas to show typical features of ownership in the Malayan peasant sector of today. The findings suggest how traditional Malay society has responded to modern economic pressures, and may generate practical methods for dealing with some of the problems facing development planners today.
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 115-128 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: The First China War of 1839–1842, commonly called the Opium War, has been and continues to be the subject of a considerable body of literature.
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    Modern Asian studies 4 (1970), S. 165-169 
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
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