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  • Articles  (41)
  • Cambridge University Press  (41)
  • 1960-1964  (28)
  • 1950-1954  (13)
  • 1962  (28)
  • 1953  (13)
  • Natural Sciences in General  (41)
  • 1
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 1-3 
    ISSN: 0007-0874
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  • 2
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 1-1 
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  • 3
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 99-116 
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    Topics: History , Natural Sciences in General
    Notes: SynopsisThe years between 1660 and 1800 were important ones in the study of light. For most of the period the work, especially in this country, was largely dominated by the theories advanced by Newton; unfortunately the protagonists of these theories were much more rigid in their approach than was Newton himself. There was, in effect, almost a century of ‘rear-guard actions’ to maintain the corpuscular theory at all costs.Fortunately, the advance of geometrical optics and the design of optical instruments was not retarded to a very great degree by this partisan approach. The workers in these fields were not, as a rule, too involved in speculation, and worked largely empirically.Some of the modifications to the original corpuscular theory are interesting. Attempts were made to explain, with varying degrees of success, total internal reflection, dispersion, interference effects, diffraction and phosphorescence. Considerable speculation about the velocity of light occurred in connection with these topics. At the same time, wave theories never completely died out and, although they were not developed until the early part of the nineteenth century, their influence was felt even in this country.
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  • 4
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 117-135 
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    Notes: SynopsisGeorge Greenough (1778–1856) was one of the influential group of early nineteenth-century English geologists who rejected both Hutton's and Werner's attempts to propound all-embracing geological theories, and followed a deliberately empirical approach. He travelled through Scotland in 1805, studying geological phenomena in the light of both the Plutonist and the Neptunist theories, and generally concluded that neither was entirely satisfactory as an explanation of the observable facts. He was also the first to suggest that the ‘Parallel Roads’ of Glen Roy were the successive beach-levels of a former lake: this theory was later attacked by Darwin but ultimately vindicated by Agassiz's glacial theory. The more important geological passages from Greenough's MS. journal of the tour are reproduced and discussed in this paper. They illustrate some of the scientific problems that were involved in accepting either Hutton's or Werner's theory entire.
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  • 5
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 137-158 
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    Notes: SynopsisThe University of Leyden was founded in 1575 as the reward of the city's endurance of the Spanish siege in 1574. Its influence on botany in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is part of its far-reaching influence during this period on medicine, to which botany was then ancillary. In this it was the successor of Montpellier and Padua. The first university founded after the Reformation to practise and maintain religious tolerance towards its students, Leyden became the great international university of Europe, drawing students from Scandinavia, Germany, Switzerland and France, from all parts of the British Isles and the British American colonies (roughly 4,000 English-speaking students between 1600 and 1750) and even from Barbados, Jamaica and Constantinople. It offered facilities for higher education then denied, for example, to dissenters in England or else not available, as in Scandinavia. Owing to this religious tolerance in an age of intolerance and also to the personal eminence of a succession of professors, its influence spread widely. Directly and indirectly, Leyden made its greatest contribution to botany and medicine through the work and personality of Herman Boerhaave (1668–1738) and led to the founding or restoration of botanic gardens at Edinburgh, Göttingen, Uppsala and Vienna. Beginning with Clusius, its influence upon botany may be traced through Hermann and Boerhaave to Haller, Linnaeus, Lettsom and others. No other university has a more sustained and continuous record of service to botany and medicine during these two centuries than Leyden. This paper also touches upon the history of other universities.
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  • 6
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 183-183 
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  • 7
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 171-182 
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    Notes: Taking Isaac Newton at his own word, historians have long agreed that the decade of the 1660s, when Newton was a young man in his twenties, was the critical period in his scientific career. In the years 1665 and 1666, he has told us, he hit on the ideas of cosmic gravitation, the composition of white light, and the fluxional calculus. The elaboration of these basic ideas constituted his scientific achievement. Nevertheless, the decade of the 1660s has remained a virtual blank in our knowledge of Newton. It need not remain so always. His papers contain a wealth of manuscripts from his undergraduate years and the period immediately following. The first volume of his mathematical papers, which will soon be published, will demonstrate how extensive the information on his early mathematical development is. The development of his non-mathematical studies, especially of what I shall call his scientific studies to distinguish them from the mathematical, can be followed as well—in his reading notes, in his notebooks, above all in the passage in his philosophical notebook labelled Quaestiones quaedam Philosophicae. In this passage we see emerging into consciousness for the first time the questions on which Newton's philosophy of nature was built.
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  • 8
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 186-186 
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  • 9
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 184-185 
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  • 10
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 159-169 
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    Notes: The following essay is adapted from one with the same title read to the British Society for the History of Science on 20 October 1958—the anniversary, by a striking coincidence, of the birth of W. H. Young (1863–1942). To his memory I dedicated the talk, and now rededicate its publication, not only because I am his daughter and of all that means, but because he invented a method, the method of monotone sequences, which shows the powerfulness of inequalities as a mathematical tool supremely.
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  • 11
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 187-188 
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  • 12
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 193-195 
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  • 13
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 189-191 
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  • 14
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 188-189 
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  • 15
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 195-196 
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  • 16
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 192-192 
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  • 17
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 1-2 
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  • 18
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 2-2 
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  • 19
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 3-3 
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  • 20
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 5-17 
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    Notes: Three questions of major historical interest may be asked concerning the neglect and the rediscovery of Mendel's work.1. Why was it so little noticed between its publication in 1866 and its rediscovery in 1900?2. What factors determined its rediscovery?3. What factors favoured the rapid growth of Mendelian genetics?It is with the second and third of these questions that this paper is concerned.
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  • 21
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 19-30 
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    Notes: SynopsisSimon Bredon was one of a remarkable group of scientists who brought fame to Oxford by their achievements in the sphere of natural science, particularly in astronomy. Though his interests lay chiefly in the field of medicine, as indicated by the large collection of books on this subject which he bequeathed to his friends, he was also a mathematician and astronomer.The manuscripts of his works, still preserved at Oxford, Cambridge and the British Museum, which include an arithmetic, a commentary on the Almagest, a theory of the planets and astronomical calculations, have never been properly examined and some kind of preliminary investigation seems necessary before his true position among the Merton school of scientists can be assessed.
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  • 22
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 31-48 
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    Notes: SynopsisSome of the early superstitious beliefs concerning communication by means of magnets are mentioned.Some of the suggested ‘static telegraphs’ are described, together with the reasons for their failure. An account is given of the rise of the use of the electric current in the telegraph by continental workers early in the nineteenth century, and the manner in which this method became known in England. The work of Cooke and Wheatstone is briefly outlined, and the assistance given to the English workers by Joseph Henry.The development of the American telegraph in the hands of Morse is reviewed, and the similarity of the difficulties experienced by Morse and by Cooke. The origin of the relay is examined.The commercial success of the telegraph was largely due to the several needs it fulfilled, and the uses of the telegraph are enumerated.Submarine telegraphs and especially the Atlantic telegraph are described together with the mechanical and electrical difficulties associated with long distance telegraphy through cables. In this connection the work of William Thomson is very briefly reviewed.The growth of the telephone out of the telegraph at the hands of Bell in America is described, and is shown to be achieved as a result of the synthesis of Bell's knowledge of physiology and of electricity. The paper concludes with a statement of the commercial success of Bell's telephone.
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  • 23
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 49-63 
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    Notes: SynopsisThe paper is an attempt to set the social and historical background against which the Royal Institution was founded, and to trace the events in its very early history. The founder of the Institution was Benjamin Thompson, Count Rumford, that soldier of fortune who took service with the Elector Palatine of Bavaria, and it was in the course of his duties in Munich that his interest in the practical problems of philanthropy was aroused.In London, in the concluding years of the eighteenth century, he was drawn into the group of philanthropists and reformers among whom William Wilberforce was the leading figure, and Sir Thomas Bernard, Treasurer of the Foundling Hospital, one of the most active members. The focus of their activities was the Society for Bettering the Condition and Increasing the Comforts of the Poor, and to this Society Rumford submitted his proposals for a new scientific institution in London, designed to improve the lot of the poor and the working classes by the application of science to useful purposes.It was decided to make an appeal for funds, Rumford's proposals were circulated, and the Count succeeded in interesting the President of the Royal Society, Sir Joseph Banks, who took the Chair at the early meetings and allowed them to be held at his house, 32 Soho Square. At a meeting held there on 7 March 1799, the new institution was formed by resolution of the subscribers of 50 guineas each, who became the first Proprietors of the Royal Institution of Great Britain, as it was afterwards named in its Royal Charter.
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  • 24
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 79-87 
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  • 25
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 88-88 
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  • 26
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 91-95 
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  • 27
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    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 65-77 
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    Notes: Synopsis‘Recent studies of Babylonian sources have shown that we must revise former estimates of the extent to which the Greeks were indebted for the details of their astronomy to the Babylonians; the debt proves to have been much greater than had been imagined, and further researches may prove it to have been greater still.’ So wrote Sir Thomas Heath in 1932; in the previous year, Professor Filon had written, ‘It is gradually beginning to be realized that many of the achievements of Greek culture in the fields of astronomy and mathematics did not spring, fully armed, from the Hellenic brain, but had their more remote origins in the civilizations of the ancient East.’There is available now sufficient evidence to show that a great deal of the astronomical knowledge which has come down to us from the Hellenistic period (c. 500 b.c. to a.d. 150) was not initially discovered during that period; and such new empiric discoveries as were made in that time were not all due to Greeks, for important contributions were still being made by Babylonians during the Seleucid Era.To a large extent it seems that the Greeks kept very closely, even in astronomy, to the mode of research advocated by Plato, who said in The Republic, ‘Which things (i.e. “the variegated bodies in the heavens”) truly are to be comprehended by reason and intellect, but not by sight’. The Greeks founded a ‘school’ of theoretical astronomy and, with their highly developed mathematics, were able to go far with it; but their source-material was in very many cases not Greek.The author of Epinomis states, ‘We may assume that whatever the Greeks take from the barbarians, they bring it to a finer perfection’. Adrastus (second century a.d.) wrote that the methods used by the Chaldeans and Egyptians in astronomy were imperfect because these people lacked physiologia; no doubt this was true, but it was people of these races who had done, and continued to do, most of the equivalent of modern observatory routine work.
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  • 28
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @British journal for the history of science 1 (1962), S. 89-89 
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  • 29
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Bulletin of the British Society for the History of Science 1 (1953), S. 237-238 
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  • 30
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Bulletin of the British Society for the History of Science 1 (1953), S. 232-232 
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  • 31
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Bulletin of the British Society for the History of Science 1 (1953), S. 1-1 
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  • 32
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Bulletin of the British Society for the History of Science 1 (1953), S. 227-229 
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  • 33
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Bulletin of the British Society for the History of Science 1 (1953), S. 233-233 
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  • 34
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    Bulletin of the British Society for the History of Science 1 (1953), S. 1-2 
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  • 35
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    Bulletin of the British Society for the History of Science 1 (1953), S. 1-1 
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  • 36
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    Bulletin of the British Society for the History of Science 1 (1953), S. 1-2 
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  • 37
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    Bulletin of the British Society for the History of Science 1 (1953), S. 232-232 
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  • 38
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    Bulletin of the British Society for the History of Science 1 (1953), S. 234-234 
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  • 39
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    Bulletin of the British Society for the History of Science 1 (1953), S. 235-235 
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    Bulletin of the British Society for the History of Science 1 (1953), S. 223-226 
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    Bulletin of the British Society for the History of Science 1 (1953), S. 230-230 
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