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  • 1
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 1-2 
    ISSN: 0266-2671
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
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  • 2
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 1-10 
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    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 335-338 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: Since Schweickart asserts that I have not addressed his main argument, let me consider briefly the four claims he advances at the beginning of his second reply.Regarding 1: To argue, as I have, that there would be a strong tendency for market socialism to degenerate into capitalism, it is necessary to spell out carefully what capitalism is. Following Marx, I defined capitalism as a system in which the workers do not control the means of production and the workers sell their labor power as a commodity. As G.A. Cohen has pointed out (Cohen, 1978, pp. 219–23), this definition can be given a rechtsfrei characterization in terms of effective powers over means of production and labor power. Actual legal arrangements are not the issue. In my original paper, I never said that the workers would sell the means of production. Thus 1 is irrelevant. The real questions are: (a) Who effectively controls the means of production? (b) Who effectively gets the profits? If the answer to both of these questions is, “Not the workers,” it follows that the workers are effectively proletarians and the system is a form of capitalism.
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    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 49-66 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: I want in this paper to do two things. First, I want to respond to some studies that argue that people are often not rational: that people regularly and systematically depart from rationality. The conclusion itself does not worry me. I pressed for the same in a recent book (Schick, 1984). But the arguments seem to me wrong, and wrong in an interesting way. There may be something to be learned from seeing how and why they fail.
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  • 5
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    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 1-22 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: In 1970 Amartya Sen exposed an apparent antinomy that has come to be known as the Paradox of the Paretian Libertarian (Sen, 1970b, pp. 152–57). Sen introduced his paradox by establishing a simple but startling theorem. Roughly put, what he proved was that if a mechanism for selecting social choice functions satisfies two standard adequacy conditions, there are possible situations in which it will violate either the very weak libertarian precept that every individual has at least some rights or the seemingly innocuous Paretian principle that an option should be judged unacceptable if there is an available alternative that everyone prefers to it. Many economists and philosophers have proposed solutions to Sen's problem, but there is no general consensus on what solution (if any) is correct. In the present paper I argue that Sen's original theorem fails to establish the existence of any conflict between libertarianism and Paretianism. Furthermore, I contend that Sen has misinterpreted certain other theorems which he has used to defend the existence of a paradoxical conflict between these two doctrines. In general, I try to show that whenever Sen posits a Paretian-libertarian conflict to explain an apparently troubling result in social choice theory, the difficulty can be better dealt with either by claiming that the theorem in question imposes overly strong background constraints on the form of social choice functions or by claiming that it relies on an unacceptable construal of individual rights.
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    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 127-130 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: In their article, Geoffrey Brennan and Loren Lomasky (1985, p. 199) present an alternative to market theories of voting behavior. Contrary to market theories which view the voter as acting to maximize the expected self-interest, the alternative view sees voting as fundamentally an act of self-expression: “Voting, like speech, is an expressive activity providing an outlet for one's moral sentiments. We suggest that it is the expressive return to a vote that frequently determines the behavior of individuals in large-number electorates.”
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    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 67-95 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: Is rhetoric just a new and trendy way to épater les bourgeois? Unfortunately, I think that the newfound interest of some economists in rhetoric, and particularly Donald McCloskey in his new book and subsequent responses to critics (McCloskey, 1985a, 1985b), gives that impression. After economists have worked so hard for the past five decades to learn their sums, differential calculus, real analysis, and topology, it is a fair bet that one could easily hector them about their woeful ignorance of the conjugation of Latin verbs or Aristotle's Six Elements of Tragedy. Moreover, it has certainly become an academic cliché that economists write as gracefully and felicitously as a hundred monkeys chained to broken typewriters. The fact that economists still trot out Keynes's prose in their defense is itself an index of the inarticulate desperation of an inarticulate profession.
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  • 8
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    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 139-142 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: Rosenberg (1986) argues that economists have embraced the methodology of scientific research programs, and the writings of Imre Lakatos (1978), at the same time that philosophers have been abandoning that approach. According to Rosenberg, the methodology of scientific research programs (MSRP) appears to allow some work in economics, which is neither tested nor testable, to be “scientific” nonetheless. That is, MSRP justifies some current practices which look hard to justify on strict falsificationist, or dogmatic positivist, grounds.
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    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 131-138 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: How may we best understand the motivational structure that stands behind individuals' acts of voting? In “The Impartial Spectator Goes to Washington” we suggested that expressive concerns swamp narrowly consequential motivations, in contradistinction to normal market transactions in which the priority is reversed. A striking consequence of this fact is that individuals will be led to vote for outcomes that they would reject were they in a position to act decisively. In this regard we found the moral psychology Adam Smith develops in The Theory of Moral Sentiments (TMS) (and, to a lesser extent, in The Wealth of Nations) remarkably fecund in suggesting alternatives to what we call the standard theory of electoral behavior.
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 83-99 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: Discussions of Karl Popper's falsificationist philosophy of science appear regularly in the recent literature on economic methodology. In this literature, there seem to be two fundamental points of agreement about Popper. First, most economists take Popper's falsificationist method of bold conjecture and severe test to be the correct characterization of scientific conduct in the physical sciences. Second, most economists admit that economic theory fails miserably when judged by these same falsificationist standards. As Latsis (1976, p. 8) states, “the development of economic analysis would look a dismal affair through falsificationist spectacles.”
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 101-108 
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    Topics: Philosophy , Economics
    Notes: F. A. Hayek is uniquely responsible for his fellow economists grasping the importance of the decentralization of knowledge: as Hayek shows in his pathbreaking “The Use of Knowledge in Society,” knowledge nowhere exists as a coherent whole and to pretend otherwise is a most serious error. Hayek also shares responsibility for the popularity of a strong form of the methodological individualist research program which asserts that since collectives as such have no impact on the choices of individuals, investigators ought to purge any reliance on collectives from our analysis.
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 127-127 
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 467-469 
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  • 14
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    New York : Cambridge University Press
    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 1-1 
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 223-246 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: In this paper we develop full information methods for estimating the parameters of a system of simultaneous equations with error component structure and establish relationships between the various structural estimators.
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 299-304 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: We derive exact finite-sample expressions for the biases and risks of several common pretest estimators of the scale parameter in the linear regression model. These estimators are associated with least squares, maximum likelihood and minimum mean squared error component estimators. Of these three criteria, the last is found to be superior (in terms of risk under quadratic loss) when pretesting in typical situations.
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 1-1 
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 69-97 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: This paper addresses two related issues in the literature of non-nested hypotheses testing. Firstly, by means of a measure of “closeness” of probability density functions, it shows how any two hypotheses can be placed into the nested and the non-nested categories with the latter category being subdivided further into “globally” and “partially” non-nested hypotheses. Secondly, by emphasizing the distinction between a “local null” and a “local alternative,” the paper shows that only in the case of partially non-nested hypotheses is it possible to specify local alternatives. In this case the paper derives the asymptotic distribution of the Cox test statistic under local alternatives and shows that it is distributed as a normal variate with a mean which is directly related to the measure of “closeness” of the alternative to the null hypothesis.
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 159-159 
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 159-160 
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 162-162 
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 208-222 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: Many observed macrovariables are simple aggregates over a large number of microunits. It is pointed out that the generating process of the macrovariables is largely determined by the common factors in the generating mechanisms of the microvariables, even though these factors may be very unimportant at the microlevel. It follows that macrorelationships are simpler than the complete microrelationships, but that empirical investigations of microrelationships may not catch those components, containing common factors, which will determine the macrorelationship. It is also shown that an aggregate expectation or forecast is simply the common factor component of the individual agents expectations.
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 247-271 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: A Taylor series approach is used to derive approximations to the approximate slope of LR, W, and LM test statistics. These can be useful when the approximate slopes themselves are complicated. The results are applied to the test of linear coefficient restrictions in the linear model with a nonscalar covariance matrix. They can be used to find cases where the Wald test may badly over-reject in this model. The results shed some new light on the over-rejection that has been noted in the special cases of AR(1) disturbances and the SURE model.
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 359-370 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: We compare the distributional properties of the four predictors commonly used in practice. They are based on the maximum likelihood, two types of the least squared, and the Yule-Walker estimators. The asymptotic expansions of the distribution, bias, and mean-squared error for the four predictors are derived up to O(T−1), where T is the sample size. Examining the formulas of the asymptotic expansions, we find that except for the Yule-Walker type predictor, the other three predictors have the same distributional properties up to O(T−1).
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 461-463 
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 464-466 
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 471-471 
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 169-169 
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 297-298 
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    Notes: In this paper we identify a restriction on the finite-sample application of Magdalinos's asymptotic expansions for the t statistic based on the k-class instrumental variable estimator.
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 305-306 
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 306-306 
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 1-44 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: In an hypothesis testing problem involving nuisance parameters for which boundedly complete sufficient statistics exist under the null hypothesis, the class of all similar regions for the problem is characterized by the conditional distribution of the data given these sufficient statistics. If there exists a one-to-one transformation y → (t, u) of the data, y, to the sufficient statistic, t, and a second vector of statistics, u, that is independent of t under the null hypothesis, then the statistic u itself characterizes the class of similar regions. This paper applies this idea to five testing problems of interest in econometrics. In each case we obtain the density of the relevant statistic under the null hypothesis, when it is free of nuisance parameters, and under the alternative. Using the density under the alternative, we discuss the power properties of the class of similar tests for each problem. Other applications are also suggested.
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 143-149 
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    Topics: Economics
    Notes: This article deals with the derivation of the exact discrete model that corresponds to a closed linear first-order continuous-time system with mixed stock and flow data. This exact discrete model is (under appropriate additional conditions) a stationary autoregressive moving average time series model and may allow one to obtain asymptotically efficient estimators of the parameters describing the continuous-time system.
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 160-161 
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    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 1-2 
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    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 1-7 
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    Economics and philosophy 3 (1987), S. 177-178 
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 151-188 
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    Notes: If one is an egalitarian, what should one want to equalize? Opportunities or outcomes? Resources or welfare? These positions are usually conceived to be very different. I argue in this paper that the distinction is misconceived: the only coherent conception of resource equality implies welfare equality, in an appropriately abstract description of the problem. In this section, I motivate the program which the rest of the paper carries out.
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 189-211 
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    Notes: When economists pay homage to the wisdom of the distant past (not the most common of professional exercises) it is more likely that a work two decades old is being admired than one two centuries old. Economics is a science, and the sciences are noteworthy for their digestion and assimilation of the work of previous generations. Contributions remain only as accretions to the accepted body of knowledge; the writings and the writers disappear almost without trace. A conspicuous exception to this rule of professional cannibalization is Adam Smith. Since 1776 he has not lacked for honors that have escaped even his most illustrious peers. Who, after all, wears a David Ricardo necktie? So to the author of The Wealth of Nations, all praise!
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 289-289 
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 286-288 
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    Notes: The central argument of this interesting paper is that Popper appears to be inconsistent: on the one hand, he preaches methodological monism-scientific method in the social sciences is identical to scientific method in the natural sciences-and on the other hand he advocates “situational analysis” as the unique method of the social sciences. Situational analysis is nothing but our old neoclassical friend, the rationality principle-individual maximizing behavior subject to constraints-and thus, Popper seems to be saying, neoclassical economics is the only valid kind of social science.
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 290-294 
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    Notes: It is easy for a professional philosopher who reads Learner's essay “Let's Take the Con Out of Econometrics” to find a great deal in it that seems contentious, cavalier, or objectionable. Philosophers may even be puzzled as to what the fuss is all about. My guess is that the sorts of complaints philosophical readers are likely to make about Learner's paper are more the result of style than substance. The substance is very important.
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 303-335 
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 295-302 
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    Notes: My essay “Let's Take the Con out of Econometrics” is intended to be an amusing, titillating, and even annoying distillation of ideas that I have published in a more formal, academic style in many different locations over the course of several years. As far as I could tell, these ideas were widely ignored until I adopted the more contentious style of “Con,” which, since its publication two years ago, has been reprinted in two volumes and excerpted in two others. There is something to be learned from this episode about the sociology of ideas. Notoriety, however, is a mixed blessing, since now I find myself spending too much of my time trying to explain what I meant.
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 351-352 
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 1-2 
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 110-125 
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    Notes: This essay is a review of Ronald Dworkin's recent essay on equality of resources (Dworkin, 1981b). Many of the ideas discussed by Dworkin have also been examined by economists with, I believe, considerable insight. Unfortunately, economists tend to write for economists, not for philosophers, and their insights are seldom communicated properly to noneconomists. Of course, the same criticism can be levied on philosophers! But perhaps legal theorists are less subject to this criticism. One of the great contributions of Dworkin is that he is very readable; and the quality of his exposition makes these ideas accessible to a wide audience of philosophers, lawyers, and social scientists in general.
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 128-133 
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    Notes: There is a simple joy in finding that the emperor has positively no clothes and especially when the finger is pointed in ribald good English. Donald McCloskey does this service in “The Rhetoric of Economics”, where he argues with force and wit that “modernism” (meaning, roughly, positivism, as in “Positive Economics”) will do as an account neither of what economists do nor of what it makes philosophical sense for them to attempt. Instead they should recognize that models are always metaphors and should make a virtue of the literary devices, which they in fact rely on. Armed with the craft of rhetoric and a new “poetics of economics,” they will achieve better writing, better teaching, better foreign relations, better science and better dispositions.
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 139-142 
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    Economics and philosophy 1 (1985), S. 142-146 
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 1-1 
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 371-386 
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    Notes: We give an expression to order O(T-1), where T is the sample size, for bias to the estimated coefficient on a lagged dependent variable when all other regressors are exogenous. The general expression is a nonlinear function of the coefficient on the lagged dependent variable, the autoregressive structure of the exogenous variables, and the coefficients on the exogenous variables. The maximum bias that can arise is a linear function of the number of exogenous regressors in the estimating equation.
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 466-467 
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    Econometric theory 3 (1987), S. 171-194 
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    Notes: We provide rankings of academic institutions according to the publication record of their faculty members in the specialization of econometrics. The rankings are based on standardized page counts of articles published by faculty members in 14 journals over the period 1980 to 1985. Separate rankings of the 200 leading institutions are provided for their theoretical contributions, as well as their contributions in theory and applied work. The rankings are compared with a ranking in the general field of economics.
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    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 257-282 
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    Notes: The management of public affairs in northeast India has been in focus in the regional, national and world press in recent years. Much of the attention has been confined to insurgency, the ‘foreign nationals’ issue, tribal ‘uprisings’, ‘brutalities’ committed by the security forces, ‘involvement’ of foreign agencies in the area, political ‘horse-trading’ and floods. There has been no analysis of the economic, cultural and demographic factors which have acquired different nuances in the wake of the rapid modernization taking place in the region since the 1950s and which have a decisive say on the formulation of policies and the efficacy of institutions of governance in northeast India. This paper proposes to offer some facts and reflections on these aspects.
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    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 283-301 
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    Notes: There seem to be at least two elusive concepts in the sociology of India: caste and communalism. On caste Eric Wolf makes the point eloquently: ‘The literature on the topic is labyrinthine, and the reader is not always sure there is light at the end of the tunnel’ (1982: 397). The sociological perspective on caste seems to be obscured by a great deal of confusion about the place of religious values and sentiments in Hindu society. According to Louis Dumont (1970: 6, 7), the primary object of the sociology of India should be a system of ideas and the approach that of a sociology of values. Since the religious ideology, on which the caste system is based in his view, seems to have been fixed already in the classical period of Indian civilization, caste becomes a static, a-historical phenomenon in Dumont's writing and in much of the debate originating from it (cf. Van der Veer 1985). The same may easily happen with that other most elusive concept of the sociology of India, communalism. Again Dumont can be our misleading guide here. He argues that ‘communalism is the affirmation of the religious community as a political group’ (1970: 90). In terms of their religious values and norms there is a lasting social heterogeneity of the Hindu and Muslim communities (95–8). This argument amounts to a ‘two-nation’ theory, based upon an a-historical sociology of values.
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    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 349-369 
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    Notes: The social context of land endowed for the maintenance of temples in the Kandyan region of Sri Lanka has long been recognized by scholars as an important topic for historical and sociological research. Most historical writing on the subject is concerned with changes in government policy towards temple endowments after the imposition of British control in 1815. The first forty years of British rule have received more attention than any later period; consequently emphasis has been placed on the gradual of process British disengagement from the pre-colonial policy of close official involvement in the administration of temple land. This research has fruitfully illustrated tensions inherent to colonial rule in the early nineteenth century, especially the conflict between the religious beliefs of the colonizers and the desire to avoid unrest among non-Christians. However, little detailed research has been carried out on either official or popular attitudes towards temple endowments after the colonial government formally gave up its responsibility for their administration in the middle of the nineteenth century. As a result, the uneven and partial official movement towards a reassertion of government control in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is usually portrayed as official recognition of earlier mistakes concerning disestablishment. This view does not take into account the considerable economic importance of the endowments. Changing official attitudes towards religion, as well as internal developments within Buddhism, did indeed influence government policy, but changes in economic policy and in the control and use of land were also important.
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    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 389-415 
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    Notes: M. N. Srinivas (1952) first introduced the concept of ‘Sanskritization’ for describing cultural and social change among the Coorgs of South India. More specifically, the term was used to explain the integration of Coorgs into Indian society through their adoption of various Sanskritbased beliefs and practices. It also referred to caste mobility, a process whereby the Coorgs attempted to raise their caste status by observing various rules of behavior as defined in Sanskritic scriptures and practiced by Brahmins. In elaborating this concept, Srinivas (1956, 1967) has sought to extend it to Indian society as a whole, focusing particularly on the problem of caste relations. He has emphasized that the extent of Sanskritization among the jātis of a region depends upon the character of the locally dominant caste. The latter provides an immediate model for the lower castes to emulate. In generalizing this concept, Srinivas has also attempted to assess the compatibility (and to some degree, conflict) between Sanskritization and Westernization.
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    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 1-119 
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    Notes: This paper is a study of certain aspects of land tenure in late imperial China. An extensive literature has evolved in recent years on the relationship between traditional forms of landholding and rural social structure in the irrigated rice-growing areas of southeastern and central China. In particular, the pronounced separation of‘rights to the surface’ (tianmianquan) and ‘rights to the subsoil’ (tiandiquan), which was common in many regions until its elimination as a result of the land reform campaigns of the People's Republic during the early 1950s, has attracted the interest of a growing number of sinological historians and anthropologists. I analyze here some of the principal characteristics of this traditional Chinese method of dividing property rights in land as they were found in the pre-British New Territories of Hong Kong. I also give consideration to those areas of the existing literature which seem especially relevant to my interpretation of the local manifestations of this extremely important feature of Chinese social life.
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    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 191-194 
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    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 198-200 
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    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 206-208 
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 1-13 
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 797-822 
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    Notes: The study of coercion and how it is applied within a political system is useful for a number of reasons. As a strategy of control and management it is in itself worthy of investigation. Moreover, an examination of how coercion is applied can tell us much about the nature of a particular polity. Indeed, as Weber emphasized, the state itself is distinguished from other political systems to the extent that it successfully upholds the claim to the legitimate application of force. The willingness of a regime to use coercion against opponents or dissidents, or to regulate the political participation of the ordinary citizenry, has a direct bearing upon such questions as human rights, democratic values, authoritarianism, and the degree of consensus within a given polity.
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 863-864 
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 872-874 
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 875-876 
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 1-6 
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 593-622 
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    Notes: The purpose of this short discussion paper is to raise some general questions concerning the current state of the historiography on the industrialization of pre-Independent India. Although triggered off by a close reading of Professor Morris's contribution to the recent Cambridge Economic History of India, volume 2, it is not my intention to review the essay in a detailed and systematic manner; rather I seek to place it in the wider context of what is, in my view, the unsatisfactory state of our accumulated knowledge. The paper is organized in the following way. Section II contends that all too little is known about a seemingly crucial sector—a vacuity that is not confined to India alone among the Third World economies—and that this tends to distort accounts of the general functioning of the international economy. In Section III I try to pinpoint the major areas of weakness, and then go on to suggest the main reasons for this somewhat surprising situation. Finally, in Section IV, I argue that Morris's study reflects the problems I identify but does not take us further down the road towards their resolution.
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 669-698 
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    Notes: The history of economic growth and industrial development in Meiji Japan has long attracted the attention of economic historians of India, especially those who are concerned with the question of industrial development. There is as yet no consensus as to the message of any comparison between Japan and India, and the battlefield between different analyses of the Meiji economy has proved a useful source of pillage to dress up conflicting interpretations of the Indian economy in this and later periods.
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 733-759 
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    Notes: The subject of agricultural growth is a matter of central importance in the evaluation of the impact of colonial rule on India. Given that the agricultural sector provided a very large share of total output and employment, movements in the per capita agricultural output would be a good indicator of changes in per capita income. Despite the usual caveats made about the dangers of using per capita income as a measure of welfare, a sustained fall in such income would imply a failure of state economic policy in a crucial respect.
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 861-863 
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 823-859 
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    Notes: Economic nationalism may seem rather too grand a term for the contents of this paper. And indeed, I have not attempted any analysis of the economics of economic nationalism. My concern is with the nationalist element in the equation, in particular the basic perceptions of nationalists inside Korea who responded to the plight of their colonially oppressed nation. The question, ‘Is economic nationalism viable under colonial occupation?’ may be answered negatively in Korea's case. But one may equally assert that all nationalist movements and all economic action, of left or right, were not viable in Korea at this time. Even if a certain theory of the determinative role of economic superstructures is employed, I suspect this question of viability may generate only fruitless dispute over whether we strictly mean non-viability or simply failure. Hence I willingly leave the theoretical aspects of the case to those equipped to deal with them.
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 866-871 
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 876-876 
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 353-354 
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 415-480 
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    Notes: Thispaper is exclusively concerned with developing broader conceptions of state and state-formation in pre-colonial India, and thus with problems of synthesizing diverse elements separately discussed and researched in the literature. It seeks to argue that certain critical aspects of the development of state and society in the long term have been neglected with serious consequences for overall conceptions and expectations.
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 521-548 
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    Notes: It isan axiom of India's economic history that government financial resources during the last half-century of the British period were inadequate. ‘The poverty of India was matched by the poverty of its government’ writes Dharma Kumar in The Cambridge Economic History and she estimates that ‘except during the two wars of the twentieth century, the tax revenues amounted to a mere 5 to 7 per cent of the national income'. Raymond Goldsmith's assessment is of an even lower proportion realized by taxation and he further believes that the scanty share of government expenditure in national product declined after the first world war. In most of the historiography, this situation is seen as a notable shortcoming created by imperial rule, the inevitable product of the passivity of the ‘night-watchman state’. Reviewing financial policy in 1939, P. J. Thomas described its predominant characteristic as ‘conservatism’, marked by ‘extreme reluctance to venture on new experiments in raising revenue’, ‘the low burden of public debt’ and ‘inadequate expenditure on social services’.3 These features could have played an important role in constricting India's economic and social development, particularly in the inter-war period of the twentieth century. Financial weaknesses then may have undermined the 'new industrial policy' of the post-first world war era4 and in the 1930s superficially present a crucial contrast with Asia's other major industrializing power, Japan, where government appeared to stimulate the economy impressively by massive borrowing and expenditure.5
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 623-668 
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    Notes: Models of industrialization and social change, whether Marxist or functionalist, have been derived largely from the historical experience of Western Europe and, especially, of Britain. Social theories came to be constructed upon a specific reading of a particular, and in some respects, unique, historical development. These theories or models, now deepseated in our historiographical consciousness, increasingly offer yardsticks against which industrial development elsewhere in the world is measured. On closer examination, universal postulates thus derived have appeared to generate a large number of special cases. Vast expanses of the globe are seemingly littered with cases of arrested development or examples of frustrated bourgeois revolutions.
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 699-732 
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    Notes: Undivided colonial India experienced an accelerated rate of economic change in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Official policies and funds combined with private entrepreneurial energies and investment to intensify India's linkages with the world market in trade, industry, agriculture, and natural resource extraction. Slow, but in the long term steady, population expansion accompanied this trend. After 1947, economic development accelerated under five-year plans in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, and transformed the earlier colonial economy. Population figures have similarly shot up since partition and independence. These two linked trends have accompanied steadily intensifying human intervention in the natural environment of the subcontinent over the same time. One effect, among others, has been dramatic alteration in land use and vegetation cover. Comparing Francis Buchanan's early nineteenth-century descriptions of the countryside in both north and south India with the appearance of these areas today suggests just how sweeping these changes have been. The landscape of today in virtually every Indian district is very different from that seen two hundred or even hundred years ago.
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 239-277 
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    Notes: The interaction among the expanding British, the regional rulers of the Gangetic plain, and Mughal Emperors stands central to Indian history during the first half of the nineteenth century. Each of these three groups determined to advance its own political and cultural values in the face of the conflicting expectations and assumptions of the other two. The English East India Company regarded itself as under the authority of the British Parliament and the sovereignty of the British crown. At the same time, the Company continued nominally to acknowledge the sovereignty of the Mughal Emperor, at least in India. The various regional rulers of north India, most prominently the rulers of the province of Awadh, acted and apparently perceived themselves as de facto independent of the Mughals while also symbolically submitted to Mughal sovereignty. The Mughal Emperors, whose power to command armies had faded to nothingness during the last half of the eighteenth century, continued to pretend to absolute sovereignty over virtually all of India until 1858. Each of these three groups wished to see the 1819 imperial coronation by the Awadh ruler as an overt proof of their own cultural values and of their understanding of their relationships to the others.
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 279-297 
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    Notes: Despite a growing interest by anthropologists in the process whereby peasants have been incorporated into a modern industrialized economy as ‘post-peasants’, ‘peasant-workers’, or ‘part-time farmers’, comparatively little research has focused upon the community level of social integration as an important facet of this process (see Barlett 1980: 553, 560–1). For the most part, this lack of concern can probably be attributed to the fact that much of the research devoted to post-peasants has been conducted in European societies where community-wide types of cooperation do not seem to have been particularly important with regard to the production strategies peasants followed in their adaptation to conditions of rapid sociocultural change since the second world war (see Holmes 1983; Symes 1972; Redclift 1973; Minge-Kalman 1978; Franklin 1969: 10–15, 225–33; Tamanoi 1983).
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 1-2 
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 165-166 
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    Modern Asian studies 19 (1985), S. 125-146 
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    Notes: Of the eleven states in West Malaysia, it may be said that Penang presents a somewhat different situation from the other ten in terms of demography, economics, geography and politics, to mention a few basic features. Situated in the northern part of the country, the state of Penang (which comprises the island and a narrow strip, Province Wellesley, on the mainland) does not exhibit the features of a typical Malay state—a Malay-majority population, a predominantly Malay agricultural economy and a Malay Mentri Besar (Chief Minister) leading a Malay-dominated State Assembly which governs the state for the sultan, the symbol of Malay political power. Instead it has a Chinese-majority population, an economic infrastructure based primarily on commerce and trade rather than agriculture and a Chinese Chief Minister leading a Chinese-dominated State Assembly.In contrast to the other Malay states, the central political role in Penang is played by the Chinese community. Whichever political party is aspiring to come to power in the state must have significant Chinese electoral support.Against the background of a Malay-dominated Federal Governmentstriving to ensure uniformity of political, cultural, linguistic and socio-economic goals, Penang poses a challenging situation.
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    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 1-2 
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    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 625-637 
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    Notes: Before expounding the fundamental provisions of my report, I deem it necessary to make some preliminary remarks. In my opinion, they will help bring to light some reasons for the situation that took shape in the foreign trade of Russia and Britain with Asia in the seventeenth–nineteenth centuries.
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    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 679-710 
    ISSN: 0026-749X
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: In a recent and thought-provoking article, Dr Lakshmi Subramanian has forcefully made the case that, in the second half of the eighteenth century, the history of the West Coast of India in general and the history of the city of Surat in particular are explained by the rise of what she terms the ‘Anglo-Bania order’, namely ‘a mercantile and political order distinguished by the mutually beneficial cooperation of the English East India Company and the Bania bankers and merchants of Surat and Bombay’.More specifically, Dr Subramanian claims that the rise of the Anglo-Bania order is at the roots of the first Hindu—Muslim communal clash about which a reasonably good documentation has survived, namely the ‘great tumult’ of August 1795, when ‘the lower orders of the Muslim population fell upon the shops and houses of the Bania residents of the city, looting grain, demolishing the images of their gods and tearing up their account books’.
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  • 93
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 751-771 
    ISSN: 0026-749X
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Though local and international trade is a main point on the agenda of any government and though economists build elaborate models around trade statistics, the social consequences of trade have hardly ever been explored in full by social scientists. This is particularly the case in Thailand where only a few studies of limited scope exist on traders, businessmen and markets. There is a reason for this lack of attention to trade. The series of post-war village studies, carried out mainly by anthropologists in isolated villages, stressed intra-village relations and neglected as a consequence larger networks of trade. The most important study on trade during that time was probably the work of Skinner (1962, 1967) on the Bangkok Chinese in which, however, ethnic relations rather than trade and business constituted the main theme of the study.
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  • 94
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 821-824 
    ISSN: 0026-749X
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
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  • 95
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 827-828 
    ISSN: 0026-749X
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
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  • 96
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    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 1-3 
    ISSN: 0026-749X
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    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
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  • 97
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 639-646 
    ISSN: 0026-749X
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: The British Empire's colonial possession of India for many decades of the nineteenth century and in the first half of the twentieth century largely determined the Empire's economic and political pattern. Numerous books and articles on this subject have been written and still more speeches have been delivered, but the most clear-cut and all-round assessment of the significance for Britain of all-out exploitation of the Indian subcontinent and its population was given by Lord Curzon.
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  • 98
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    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 667-678 
    ISSN: 0026-749X
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: As Britain saw it, trade was not the prime motivating force for Russian expansion in east Asia or, put another way, the Russian frontiersmen were not driven by the actual amount of their trade there or its future potentialities. While Russia was primarily concerned with the tea trade over land frontiers, Britain was concerned with the seaborne commerce of China. The customs revenue paid to China in the year 1894 worked out as follows:[...]Judging from the returns of the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Organization, British ships carried 83.5% of China's total trade. But Britain's commercial dominance affected her political stance because she wanted to preserve China's stability for most of the second half of the nineteenth century. This was at the root of the political tensions between Britain and Russia which emerged in China after 1860 and especially those which derived from the spate of railway building which took place from 1890 onwards. It would be foolish to deny that intense rivalry did exist in the area from time to time or that detailed observations of the actions of the one were regularly conducted by the other—what we should now call ‘intelligence operations’. But what I shall suggest in this paper is that, despite all the admitted antagonism and suspicion between Britain and Russia in east Asia, Britain regularly made efforts to reach accommodations with Russia in north-east Asia.
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 773-792 
    ISSN: 0026-749X
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
    Notes: Although often well-written and carefully researched, many recent studies of the political history of Colonial Malaya seem dated. This is not to say that they are generally pro-British; nevertheless, when considered alongside historical work on many other areas of Southeast Asia, the ‘British Malayan’ histories appear ‘colonial’ in their preoccupations and perspectives. Why does so much Malayan history have this character? One cannot point to a lack of talent.
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    Modern Asian studies 21 (1987), S. 824-827 
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    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Ethnic Sciences , History , Political Science , Economics
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