Hostname: page-component-76fb5796d-22dnz Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-27T16:09:56.101Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The Role Of Nanjing University In The Nanjing Incident

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2009

Genny Louie  and
Kam Louie
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

The death of Zhou Enlai a few months earlier gave the Qing Ming Festival in 1976 a special significance. The festival marks the traditional time to mourn the dead, and Zhou had been widely revered. It was generally felt that he had played a moderating role in the leadership, particularly in the turbulent period of the Cultural Revolution. His death created a political vacuum and the position of premier was left vacant. Conflict in the upper echelons of the Party had increased after the Fourth National Peoples’ Congress in January 1975 adopted as official policy Zhou Enlai's call for a concerted effort to modernize China's industry, agriculture, defence, science and technology. Opposition from those who believed that stressing economic goals would undermine political ones began to be reflected in the media as 1975 progressed. By the end of the year an attack had been launched on “the Right–wing deviationist wind.” Fears were aroused that if the left gained power, China might again face a period of chaos and disruption.

Type
Reports from China
Information
The China Quarterly , Volume 86 , June 1981 , pp. 332 - 348
Copyright
Copyright © The China Quarterly 1981

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1. Enlai, Zhou, “Zhengfu gongzuo baogao” (“ Report on the work of the government”), Honqi (Red Flag), No. 2 (1975), p. 23.Google Scholar

2. The first references to “a Right–wing deviationist wind” were made in wall posters put up in Beijing and Chinghua Universities at the end of 1975. Direct references also began to be made in the press, see for example Zhongguo gongchandang Chaoyang nongxueyuan weiyuanhui (The Chaoyang Agricultural College Chinese Communist Party Committee) “Dashi dafei wenti yiding yao bianlun qingchu” (“Major issues must be thrashed out”) Renmin ribao (People's Daily), 5 January 1976.

3. The expression “gang of four“is used here for the sake of brevity, although of course it only became usage after their arrest. People we spoke to said that while less was known at the time about Wang Hungwen, Jiang Qing, Yao Wenyuan and Zhang Chunqiao were generally grouped together.

4. “Tiananmen shijiang zhenxiang” (The facts of the Tiananmen Incident), Renmin ribao, 21 November 1978.

5. Jiang Yuanchun, Wei Yuqin, “Zhongshan fengyu qi Canghuang” (“A storm has gathered around Nanjing”), Renmin ribao, 10 March 1979. The title is from a poem written by Mao shortly after the liberation of Nanjing.

6. The 16 May group is supposed to have been a secret organization which wanted to infiltrate the army and overthrow Zhou Enlai and the “proletarian headquarters led by Chairman Mao.” In Nanjing University more than half of the teachers were suspected of having belonged to it, and some were imprisoned for up to three years. The university was regarded as the headquarters of the movement in Jiangsu, and Johsi, Chen, The Execution of Mayor Yin and Other Stories from the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (Bloomington: Indiana Press, 1978), p. 123 claims that Nanjing was believed to be the main base of the movement. Certainly suppression appears to have been worse in the university than elsewhere. However, teachers we spoke to, including some who had been imprisoned, were adamant that the movement had never existed in Nanjing.Google Scholar

7. From a speech given by Qin Feng to the staff and students of Nanjing University, 2 December 1978.

8. “Heroes of Tiananmen Square,” Peking Review, No. 46 (November 1978), p. 14.Google Scholar

9. From a talk given by Li Xining to foreign students and teachers on 15 November 1978.

10. Zhonggong Qinghua daxue weiyuanhui (The Qinghua University Chinese Communist Party Committee), “Fengbei buke han, renxin buke wu” (“ The monument could not be shaken, the peoples’ will could not be insulted”), Renmin ribao, 14 January 1978.

11. Details in this section are drawn from a diary kept by Richard Kirkby in 1976, which he kindly made available to us. He and Jo Sutcliffe taught in the University in 1975–76.

12. “Zhongshan fengyu qi Canghuang.”

13. From Richard Kirkby's diary.

14. From Li Xining's talk.

15. From Richard Kirkby's diary.

16. “Dapi Lei Feng shi–de–zhanshi zhouzhuang chenzhang” (“A large batch of Lei Feng type soldiers are growing in strength”), Wenhui bao, 5 March 1976.

17. “Fayang Lei Feng chedi geming Jingsheng huiji fanqing fanan feng” (“Develop Lei Feng's thorough revolutionary spirit and strike back at the reversing the verdict wind ”), Jiefang junbao (Liberation Army Daily), 4 March 1976.

18. Liu Xiao, “Jianjue di fensui fan geming yulan” (“Determinedly smash counter revolutionary rumours”), Xinhua ribao (New China Daily), 14 May 1976. The testament is still rejected as not genuine, see for example, Kuangman, Yang and Baochen, Guo, “Ming yun”(Fate), Zhengming (Contend), No. 27 (1980), pp. 66–89.Google Scholar

19. “Zhongshan fengyu qi Canghuang.”

20. Yang and Guo, “Ming yun.”

21. Film taken by Jo Sutcliffe and Richard Kirkby at Yuhuatai and of the incident generally was confiscated by public security. In December 1978 it was returned to them by Zhang De on behalf of the university.

22. Jianzhong, Tang, Liangyu, Li, “Nanwang de ‘san er jiu’” (“The unfortgettable 29 March”), Nanjing daxue xuebao (Nanjing University Journal), No. 1, 1979.Google Scholar

23. The information in this section is drawn from Li Xining's talk and from Li Xining, “Zeng ai fenming xin xiang dang, buqu bunao dou moyao” (“Distinguish between good and evil and be loyal to the Party, fight demons with determination”), Zhongguo qingnian bao (China Youth Journal), 18 November 1978.

24. From Li Xining's talk.

25. “Zouzipai hai zai zou, women jiuyao tong ta dou” (“The capitalist roader is still on the road, we will struggle against him”), Wenhui bao, 25 March 1976.

26. From Qin Feng's speech.

27. From Li Xining's talk.

28. “Nangwang de ‘san er jiu’,” p.7.

29. The information in this section is drawn from Qin Feng's speech and his article, “Xin sui lieche fei” (“My heart is flying with the trains”), Yuhua (A Shower of Petals), No. 2 (1979), pp. 27–30.Google Scholar

30. “Nanwang de ‘san er jiu’,” p. 7.

31. Pan Zhenyu, Huang Yusheng, “Wei zhenli er nahan de zhanshi” (“The soldier who cried out for truth”), Xinhua ribao, 6 October 1978.

32. Nanjing daxue (Nanjing University), 17 January 1979, p. 4.

33. “Nanwangde ‘san er jiu.’”

34. Ibid. p. 6.

35. Ibid. p. 8.

36. Su Xin, “Chedi fensui Nanjing fan geming zhengzhi shijian” (“Thoroughly smash the Nanjing counter–revolutionary political incident”) Xinhua ribao, 12 May 1976.

37. “Nanwang de ‘san er jiu.’”

38. “Sheng junqu zhaokai qinggong shoujiang dahui gei Xu Tongxin rongji yideng gong” (“Provincial military district holds prize giving meeting to give first–class award to Xu Tongxin”), Xinhua ribao, 17 November 1978.

39. “Fandui sirenbang yougong” (“It is meritorious to oppose the ‘gang of four,’” Xinhua ribao, 17 November 1978.

40. “Chedi fensui Nanjing fan geming zhengzhi shijian.”

41. “Zhongshan fengyu qi Canghuang.”

42. “Zhuazhu zhangji chedi zhuicha fan geming” (“Hold on to the fighting opportunity, thoroughly track down counter–revolutionaries”), Xinhua ribao, 29 April 1976.

43. The lack of resistance during the movement posed a problem for newspapers after the incident was declared counter–revolutionary. They were forced to rely on such weak examples as the workers of the Nanjing Electron Tube Factory being dissuaded from putting up posters by their Party committee, Xinhua ribao, 24 April 1976. Had there been significant opposition during the incident itself, newspapers in 1976 would have given it prominence.

44. From Li Xining's talk.

45. “Wei zhenli er nahan de zhanshi.

46. “Zhuo yao zhange” (“The song of catching devils”), Geming shichao (Revolutionary Poems) (Nanjing: Nanjing daxue, 1977), pp. 343–44.Google Scholar

47. Literally “ten thousand, ten thousand, one thousands” and “one thousand, ten thousand, ten thousands” that is, a hundred million.

48. “Chedi fensui Nanjing fan geming zhengzhi shijian.”

49. Nanjing daxue, 17 January 1979, p. 4.

50. Renmin ribao, 8 April 1976.

51. From Richard Kirkby's diary.

52. “Jianjue di fensui fan geming yulan.”

53. “Nanwang de ‘san er jiu.’”

54. Yang Kuangman, Guo Baochen, “Ming yun.”

55. “Nanjing shijian wanquan shi geming xingdong” (“The Nanjing Incident was completely revolutionary”), Xinhua ribao, 17 November 1978.

56. Meeting held at Nanjing University on 2 December 1978.

57. “Weida de geming qunzhong yundong wansui” (“Long live the great revolutionary mass movement”), Honqi (Red Flag), No. 12 (1978), pp. 46–48.Google Scholar

58. “Nangwang de ‘san er jiu’“

59. From Li Xining's talk.