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  • Articles  (4,048)
  • Articles: DFG German National Licenses  (4,048)
  • 1960-1964  (4,048)
  • Political Science  (4,048)
  • 1
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 112-136 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The rural people's communes, launched in the summer and autumn of 1958, purported to be a grand new social, political and economic organisation. They were supposed to be like “a fine horse, which having shaken off its bridle, is galloping courageously directly towards the highway of Communism.” An organisation had been created where collective living was actively promoted and the “Five-togethers” practised, where women were “freed from the drudgery of home life” and Idrawn into full time participation in the commune production, where labour could be shifted from area to area or even occupation to occupation according to needs and requirements, where the rural areas were not only the scene of agricultural production, but were also new centres of workshops producing steel and machine tools, and where the previous village, township and even county administration was now merged into the new commune administration, which thus undertook multifarious activities.
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  • 2
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 12-34 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Fourteen years have elapsed since a shattered Nationalist Government fled to Formosa with the hope of reorganising and revitalising its forces and of building an effective base for a counter-attack against the Chinese Communists. At that time it appeared to have little chance of survival. However, because of changing international conditions and Formosa's impressive domestic economic performance, the Nationalist Government has been able to re-establish itself as an effective political force. Formosa's economic achievements have given the Government a certain international prestige and, combined with military assistance from the United States, have allowed it to maintain a large, well-equipped military establishment.
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  • 3
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 51-55 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: America's policy towards Formosa has come under fire in recent months from all three groups of Chinese. The Nationalists and the Communists alike share the heritage that China is one state; some of the facts of international life, however, have given American policy a preference for accepting two Chinas in the world. The apparent American support for the Formosan independence movement is favoured neither by Peking nor Taipei. On the other hand the native Formosans criticise the contradictions and indecisions of American policy which, they say, encourages their democratic liberal movements, but at the same time helps Chiang Kai-shek to stay in office.
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  • 4
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 75-85 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: For decades, Formosa was a frontier for those people who set out from Kwangtung and Fukien in the waning days of the Ming dynasty, during the early part of the seventeenth century. By the time Koxinga defeated the Dutch in 1661 Formosa could claim a body of literature of its own. This, however, consisted mainly of histories and reports compiled by scholar-officials leaving an account of their stewardship, chronicles telling the story of settlement, cultivation and perennial skirmishes with the local aborigines, and poetry of the sort with which the learned men of China have traditionally amused themselves. This literature followed classical forms and was written in the traditional wen-yen.
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  • 5
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 107-114 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The ancestors of the contemporary Formosans abandoned the Chinese mainland with its poverty and inequalities, in the latter half of the sixteenth century, and emigrated to Formosa in order to open up and settle in new territory. Yet they have had little independence. The Dutch East India Company conquered Formosa and used it as a commercial base between 1624 and 1661; Koxinga and his supporters expelled the Dutch in 1661 and used Formosa as an anti-Manchu base until 1683; then the Manchus of the Ch'ing Dynasty gained control of Formosa until 1895; the island was ceded to the Japanese in 1895 and it was not until the collapse of Japan hi 1945 that the Chinese Nationalist Government was able to rule Formosa.
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  • 6
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 91-106 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Eighteen years ago Formosa was liberated from half a century of Japanese colonial rule. When Kuomintang soldiers and administrators arrived to reassert Chinese sovereignty over the island province in October 1945 they were enthusiastically welcomed as liberators by the For-mosans. Within a few months, however, the Kuomintang had succeeded in alienating virtually all segments of the native population by inaugurating a military régime that treated Formosa as a conquered territory rather than a liberated area. The mass pillaging, official corruption and political repression that marked the early period of Kuomintang rule in Formosa set in motion the tragic events that culminated in the revolt of February 1947 in the course of which at least 10,000 Formosans were massacred. The Kuomintang has since done little to heal the scars of 1947 and today most of the 10,000,000 Formosans look upon the nearly 2,000,000 mainlanders who fled to Formosa with the collapse of Kuomintang rule as foreign overlords and describe the Chinese Nationalist régime as a colonial tyranny far more oppressive than the former Japanese rule. That the overwhelming majority of Formosans favour the establishment of an independent Formosan state, without ties to mainland China and, preferably, without the presence of mainlanders, is a fact that can no longer be ignored in considering the present condition and future status of Formosa.
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  • 7
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 166-171 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 8
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 1-3 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 9
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 67-95 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: This article surveys the development of Chinese education within South-East Asian Chinese societies, and briefly relates it to the integration and assimilation of the hua ch'iao into indigenous societies.
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  • 10
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 1-37 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: When the Chinese Communists finally consummated their seizure of power in mainland China, one of the first tasks which faced them was that of elaborating a formal institutional structure for the exercise of regular public authority. Indeed, while the new leadership now undoubtedly enjoyed de facto control over the country and the mass of the people, it found itself quite destitute of those normal channels of state regulation and administrative management which serve to bestow legitimacy on a claimant to the role of national government and to distinguish a duly constituted, relatively stable political order from an altogether fluid interlude of revolutionary action predicated on ad hoc use of organised force under a central direction. The Party soon moved to make up for this grave deficiency by creating, on paper at least, a complex mechanism of state administration to back up its bid for recognition as the official spokesman for the Chinese nation and, concurrently, provide it with the wherewithal to play that role effectively.
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  • 11
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 20 (1964), S. 38-66 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The Chinese are still divided into two groups. One group is very left in its views, very vociferous, very active, very humourless, very narrow minded and forceful, and knows what it wants and intends to achieve its objects by fair means or foul, regardless of what the rest of the population may think. The other group is undoubtedly immensely larger, though one might be excused for not realising this, as it lacks cohesion and the people in it merely wish to be left alone to carry on their normal avocations. Since it has no strong feelings not only does this group not speak out, but in many cases it finds the line of least resistance is to support the other group when asked to do so.The 1962 Annual Report for the District of Kuching, The Sarawak Gazette, May 31, 1963.
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  • 12
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 1-2 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 13
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 56-61 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The two stretches of Sino-Soviet frontier which lie on either side of the Mongolian Republic differ from each other in at least one important respect: whereas the Soviet population on the eastern stretch is predominantly Russian, or at any rate non-Asian, and faces the solidly Asian population of Manchuria, that of the western stretch is predominantly Turkic-Muslim and faces the predominantly Turkic-Muslim population of the Sinkiang Uighur Autonomous Region formerly known as the Province of Sinkiang.
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  • 14
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 99-111 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Despite his claim to have advanced beyond Marxism and arrived at an entirely new conception of the nature of traditional non-Western societies, it is somewhat surprising to learn that Professor Karl Wittfogel still feels the need to seek the testimony of no less an “authority” on Asia than Karl Marx. In a recent article in this journal Professor Wittfogel has once again examined the canons of Marxism in order to find support for the theory of “Oriental despotism.” In this case the articles that Marx and Engels wrote on China during the 1850s have been rescued from obscurity and presented as major canonical texts in the evolution of the doctrine of “Oriental despotism.”
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  • 15
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 137-150 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: At the lowest level of state administration in China some direct popular control of government is formally sanctioned. It is, therefore, at this level that the apparent conflict between the Chinese Communist Party's desire for mass participation in government and Party leadership over policy formation and execution can be analysed. The rural communes serve as a logical point of departure in this analysis. When formed in 1958, the rural communes replaced the hsiang as the basic unit of government administration for roughly 80 per cent, of the population. At the same time “democratic management,” a Party term for all kmds of mass political activity was emphasised, and by the autumn of 1958 a movement for the “Democratisation of Management” was under way. By December of the same year, however, the Central Committee of the Party warned that “militarisation of organisation” (another battle cry of that period) must not be used as a pretext to impair “democratic life” in the communes. From then on, the rural communes have been, in effect, a testing ground for the Party's policy towards popular participation in government.
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  • 16
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 169-180 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 17
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 2 (1960), S. 69-72 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: During the period from 1949 to 1957, which was the year prior to the big leap forward, our country had only ten motion picture studios (six of which were for feature films), and 19 shooting sheds. Now, there are 33 studios (11 of which produce feature films) and 27 shooting sheds. As to projection units, in 1949 there were only some 600 motion picture theatres and not even one mobile projection team in the whole country; by the end of 1957, the number of projection units had risen to 9,965; and preliminary statistics showed that there were about 14,500 units by the end of 1959. As a result of the development of this projection network, the people have more and more chances to see movies; movie audience jumped from 1,750 million man/times in 1957 to 4,050 million man/times in 1959.... During the eight years between 1949 and 1957 we had produced a total of 171 artistic films; but during the past two years since the beginning of the big leap forward, the number of artistic films we have produced is estimated to have reached some 180.... Formerly a feature film needed at least four or five months to shoot, and in some cases it needed a whole year or an even longer time. This time has been greatly shortened since the beginning of the big leap forward. Take, for example, the 18 artistic pictures produced last year as a token to celebrate the National Day; most of them were shot within four or five months, and several were completed within three months. With respect to cost, it drops greatly with the increase in the quantity of production and the shortening of the time for shooting.... With respect to quality which is a question of capital importance, all the 36 films of various kinds produced in celebration of National Day last year were markedly better ideologically, artistically and technically than films made earlier. Of course, strictly speaking, even these relatively better films still have shortcomings in certain respects and various degrees....
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  • 18
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 1-4 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 19
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 1-3 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
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  • 20
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 38-46 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The Chinese Communists have not hesitated to alter their Party documents—in effect rewriting history—when such changes have seemed desirable for political purposes. It is well known, for example, that the texts of various documents in Mao Tse-tung's Selected Works differ significantly from the originals. In this article we offer evidence suggesting that a fundamentally important Party document—On Contradiction (Mao-tun Lun)—was not written in the summer of 1937, as Party history asserts. Rather, it was composed at a much later date, copying the theses of Stalin and Zhdanov. By thus falsifying the date of composition, the Chinese Communists could bolster their covert assertion of Mao Tse-tung's primacy as a Marxist theoretician.
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  • 21
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 47-65 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: There has been an impression among students of China that foreign trade data published by Peking are generally more reliable and accurate than its other statistics. This confidence is based on the following grounds. First, since the early years of the régime most foreign trade has been handled by a small number of state companies under the Foreign Trade Ministry. These companies are large in size and well organised, hence they must have respectable accounting and statistical systems. The exports and imports by private firms existing in the early 1950s were recorded by the customs office. Therefore, foreign trade turnovers for the period as a whole are relatively complete and free from serious errors. Secondly, since foreign trade always involves other countries as trading partners, which usually publish their trade statistics in great detail, it is unwise, if not impossible, for the Chinese authorities to falsify their own foreign trade statistics.
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  • 22
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 66-83 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The counterpoint of radical change and durable continuity which has characterised the Communist upheaval in China is nowhere so marked as in the ambivalent attitudes towards youth and age. Traditional China was a backward-looking civilisation, espousing a view of life and of history which esteemed past over present, age over youth, authority over innovation. The twentieth century has seen a definite, often violent, conflict between the generations, with the revolt of 1911, the May Fourth movement, and the Northern Expedition each expressing an aspect of the upsurge of youthful aspiration. The emergence of a Communist government has been marked by a drastic change in the official attitude, a new preoccupation with the future rather than the past, and sustained attention to the organisation of the youth of China, from which group will come the national leaders of the generation ahead.
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  • 23
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 84-98 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: More than forty years have passed since Hu Shih and Ch'en Tu-hsiu wrote their polemics on literary reform and revolution. During this period many important so-called literary works have appeared, but they are more important as documents of social protest and political propaganda. We have yet to see anything which is important as literature in its own right. There have been many explanations for this literary paucity, and the most often repeated one is that of the political millstone around the writer's neck. This was one of the reasons Hu Shih gave.1 While it is true that political pressure accounts for most of this unhealthy literary phenomenon, I believe a more direct reason can be found in the fact that many critics have tried to make literature subservient to social and political interests.
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  • 24
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 99-119 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Until late in 1961, the leaders of the Indonesian Communist Party gave no public indication of the conflict within the international Communist movement. That they were aware of the worsening dispute is evident: for example, from 1958 to 1961, inclusive, they sent an average of five delegations to the Sino-Soviet bloc each year. But they chose to concentrate their energy on strengthening and guiding their own Party. This they had built into the largest Communist Party outside the bloc, with a membership at the end of 1961 of almost two millions, and with a network of mass organisations claiming over ten million members. After the Twenty-second Soviet Party Congress, however, the existence of conflict was public knowledge. D. N. Aidit, the Chairman of the Indonesian Communist Party, who had led his Party's delegation to the congress, felt compelled to explain the Party's position.
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  • 25
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    Cambridge : Cambridge University Press
    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 120-127 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
    Source: Cambridge Journals Digital Archives
    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: What mild men revolutionaries are! That is the impression I jotted down after a talk late in March 1964 with Jacques Vergès, managing editor of the review Révolution. This periodical, No. 9 of which was published in May, is the best-produced and most effective publication of the pro-Chinese movement in France. Thanks to its English edition and forthcoming Spanish edition, the review's field of action stretches from France to Africa and even to the American continent. Révolution, with its articles contributed from all parts of the world, is looking more and more like a liaison journal for the groups and movements of the Maoist International now coming into existence.
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  • 26
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 128-160 
    ISSN: 0305-7410
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: Within the short span of twelve years since their rise to power in 1949, the Chinese Communists have completely revamped their educational system. Private institutions of higher learning have been abolished and the number of universities vastly reduced; in their place hundreds of technical institutes have been created, with an unprecedented increase in enrolment and graduates. The faculties of various universities and colleges have been amalgamated in an effort to train more and more scientific and technical personnel. New types of instruction, known as “specialty” (spetsial'nost) and “specialisation” (spetsializatsiia), have been introduced to accelerate the training of industrial experts. Emphasis on science and technology has completely replaced the traditional respect for the humanities; the highest learned organisation in Communist China today is the Academy of Sciences, and not the Academy of Letters (Hanlin Yuan) of Imperial China. A Twelve-Year Science Programme was adopted in 1956 with the avowed objective of producing 10,500 top scientists and some two million technicians by 1967, and towards this end a new University of Science and Technology was established in 1958.
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  • 27
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  • 28
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 176-177 
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  • 29
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 177-178 
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  • 30
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 178-180 
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  • 31
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 181-201 
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  • 32
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    The @China quarterly 19 (1964), S. 202-203 
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  • 33
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 1-4 
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  • 34
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 1-2 
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  • 35
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 67-67 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: On August 5, 1963, the State Department released a set of secret Chinese military papers, which is the most illuminating first-hand material that scholars have had on the Chinese Communists since the Hoover Institution acquired the Yenan Documents in the mid-forties.
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  • 36
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 55-66 
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    Topics: Linguistics and Literary Studies , History , Political Science , Sociology , Economics
    Notes: The second half of 1927 is one of the most obscure periods in the history of the Chinese Communist Party. From a large and well-organised force openly playing a major role in the political and military affairs of the country, the Chinese Communist Party rapidly found itself reduced to a few small remnants fighting for their existence. As a result, the printed sources available for future historians were drastically reduced. The Communists cut their output of publications both for lack of the means to produce them, and because it was no longer prudent to reveal even as much about their plans as they had done before. The Nationalist authorities further decimated this scanty output by confiscation and repression. So much of what has been written about this period is based on verbal testimony or secondary sources, and cannot be regarded as altogether reliable.
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  • 37
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 68-78 
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    Notes: China's rulers in 1961 surveyed their shattered dreams and then, with studied self-confidence, hailed the vitality of their revolutionary “mass-line” credo. This resolute re-affirmation of standard principles had a hollow ring, however, and doubts about the “real methods of control” employed during the years of retreat and readjustment coincided with angry charges that the language of the “mass-line” disguised terror and brutality on an appalling scale. In the confusion, fact has until recently seemed entwined irretrievably with propaganda and invective, but now a unique collection of the Kung-tso T'ung-hsun (Bulletin of Activities) makes it possible to disentangle the contradictory methods of control and leadership used in 1961 and to evaluate their widely varied effects in that crucial year.
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 79-99 
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    Notes: Peking's pronouncements in the Sino-Soviet dispute have left the public with an image of a reckless and bellicose Chinese Communist régime. This image has been reinforced by the Soviet Union, which has exaggerated the Chinese statements and their significance to paint an over-simplified contrast between the supposed Chinese addiction to war and Soviet dedication to peace.
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  • 39
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 100-117 
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    Notes: China's “Everyone a Soldier” movement of Autumn 1958 represents on paper perhaps the most ambitious military enterprise in the history of mankind. Two hundred and twenty million men and women of a predominantly agricultural population were to be transformed into an “ocean of soldiers,” equipped and prepared to defend their homeland against the invader.
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  • 40
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 118-140 
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    Notes: One of the most pressing needs of the Chinese Communists when they established their régime, was to convert the sprawling semi-guerrilla force which had brought them to power into a modern army capable of maintaining that power. China's leaders were acutely aware of this need and they lost little time in launching the armed forces on the long march to modernisation. No modernisation, however, could have succeeded without large numbers of officers skilled in running a complex military establishment. The Red Army commanders, though resourceful and battle-tested, were by and large not equipped for this task. It was necessary, therefore, to develop a professional officer corps.
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  • 41
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 141-152 
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    Notes: Mao Tse-tung, the Marxist, may believe in the “objective” and “inevitable” forces of history, but Mao, the politician, general and revolutionary has argued that Communist success depends on the “subjective factor of ability of direction.” This article analyses the variation in the Chinese Communist definition of good military leadership and the relationship between this definition and officer training programmes.
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  • 42
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 153-159 
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    Notes: Perhaps the most significant development affecting the Chinese army in recent months has been the campaign to “Learn from the Experience of the People's Liberation Army in Political and Ideological Work” launched by the People's Daily editorial of February 1, 1964. In the context of the nation-wide emulation movement, the Liberation Army's achievements in this field of political work make it a model for the whole nation to “learn from, study and compare with.” Industries, commercial enterprises, government departments, trade unions, rural work cadres and other important sections of the community are reported to have taken up the challenge to “learn from the People's Liberation Army.” At the same time there has been an exceptional quantity of news about the political achievements of the Army and of its model soldiers and companies.
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  • 43
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 174-194 
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    Notes: Chou en-lai's recent “western expedition” to Africa and the Mediterranean was Peking's greatest diplomatic effort to date outside the Communist world. Coming at a time when China had openly split from Russia and yet remained at odds with America, India, and most other countries, it marked a turning point in Peking's foreign policy and perhaps in the entire post-war structure of international relations.
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  • 44
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 160-173 
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    Notes: Among the most significant polemical fall-out of the past year has been the increasing indication that modern weapons questions lie near the heart of Sino-Soviet estrangement. Whether or not the recent Chinese Communist charge is true, that the Russians later reneged on a 1957 “advanced technology” commitment, Soviet and Chinese behaviour since 1957 testifies to considerable Russian long-range concern over a nuclear-armed China, Russian reluctance to assist China to gain this end quickly, and accumulating Chinese anger at such un-comradely behaviour. The only unique ingredient in recent polemical exchanges is added explicitness; the modern weapons messages have been there all along. This is not to say that the Sino-Soviet schism is not the product, as well, of competing revolutionary strategies, theological pretension, struggle for supreme Communist authority, and fundamental disagreement over whether Stalin should be praised or buried. Underlying such antagonisms and contributing to them, however, have been deep-seated differences over modern weapons central to the initiation and aggravation of Sino-Soviet estrangement.
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  • 45
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 195-200 
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    Notes: On January 27 a communiqué was issued in Paris and Peking which read, somewhat baldly:The Government of the People's Republic of China and the Government of the French Republic have decided in mutual agreement to establish diplomatic relations.For this purpose, the two Governments have agreed to appoint their ambassadors within three months.
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  • 46
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 208-211 
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 212-214 
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 214-214 
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  • 49
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 201-207 
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    Notes: The Sino-Indian conversations that followed the border clashes of late 1959 were undertaken partly for the purpose of examining in detail the historical evidence with which both sides supported their border claims. It is always difficult, however, to use historical evidence to bolster claims to areas which have for centuries been removed from the main stream of human existence. The Aksai Chin, in the extreme north-east of Ladakh, upon which much of the negotiations centred, is such a region; a bleak uninhabited highland which in the past was visited only by the inhabitants of adjacent territories in quest of salt and by occasional hunters. In 1717, however, the Aksai Chin was traversed by the Tsungar invaders of Tibet and 233 years later it was used for the same purpose by the Chinese. The success of this second venture led to the construction of a major road link between Sinkiang and Tibet, the existence of which precipitated the hostilities of 1959 and the discussions of 1960.
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    The @China quarterly 18 (1964), S. 215-215 
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 92-110 
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    Notes: In their concerted and ardent efforts to industrialise and develop the economy rapidly, the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party have given work incentives an important role—a role which operates narrowly within the limits set by economic necessity and ideology. The pendulum has swung from an emphasis on material incentives (First Five-Year Plan, 1953–57) to a stress on non-material incentives (1957–60) and back again (1960 on). These major changes in incentive policy have reflected the significant turns in the grand socio-economic strategy of the Chinese Communist Party.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 205-228 
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    Notes: The angry outbursts of Chinese intellectuals against the Chinese Communist Party at the time of the Hundred Flowers in 1956–57 revealed that China's intellectuals, even those who were oriented towards the left, were in conflict with many of the Party's practices. Actually, this tension between the Party and the intellectuals had been smouldering for a long time. It had come to the surface many years earlier during the Cheng Feng movement in Yenan in the early 1940s. At that time the Party, as it did later in the Hundred Flowers period, embarked on a drive “to rectify the style of work” of both Party members and intellectuals. One aspect of this drive was that the Party encouraged intellectuals and lower-rank cadres to speak out on the misuses of Party power.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 261-271 
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 257-258 
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 272-272 
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    The @China quarterly 16 (1963), S. 75-85 
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    Notes: Mongolia has unexceptionably, unqualifiedly, and unhesitatingly supported the Soviet Union in all aspects of its dispute with China. It signed the test-ban treaty (on August 8); it publishes all the Soviet attacks on China immediately, and publishes Chinese attacks on the Soviet Union only after the Soviet press does so; it vilifies Albania; and praises and deals with Yugoslavia. A semi-weekly Russian-language newspaper was inaugurated in Ulan Bator on January 1, 1963 (Novosti Mongolii), and the introduction of an expanded and intensified programme of Russianlanguage instruction throughout the country was announced on May 24. In August, the Mongolians reorganised its State Planning Commission to include a separate division for agriculture and one for industry, along the lines of the reorganisation of the Soviet Communist Party. Mongolia supported the inclusion of the Soviet Union in Afro-Asian councils (at the conference of journalists in Indonesia), and in the United Nations moved that Iraq be condemned for its attack on the Kurds. Every day in every way it has been a firm supporter of the Soviet Union in the Sino-Soviet quarrel and in all things.
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 178-180 
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  • 58
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    The @China quarterly 2 (1960), S. 35-42 
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    Notes: The following remarks (which I hope will be my last on Prof. Wittfogel's “The Legend of ‘Maoism’”) will hardly bear the appearance of a coherent essay. They are simply a collection of fragmentary replies to his own fragmentary points of attack. For some years now Prof. Wittfogel has been obsessed with the view that Fairbank, Schwartz and Brandt (an indivisible entity) have committed an “error” (not an accidental error!) which has led to incalculably evil results in our struggle with world Communism.
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  • 59
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    The @China quarterly 2 (1960), S. 47-58 
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    Notes: The countries of Asia and Africa have seen the rise of numerous and powerful socio-political movements during the past few decades, movements which have shaken existing orders and have launched these nations on the road of modernisation. Although these movements have almost always been nationalist in character during the early phases of revolution, subsequently leftist radical movements have arisen; most of these have been Communist.
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    The @China quarterly 2 (1960), S. 43-46 
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    Notes: The comparison of the revolutionary movements, the seizure of power by the Communists, and the establishment and evolution of totalitarian régimes in Russia and China is a vast field of study in which little work has yet been achieved. The obvious obstacle is of course the scarcity of scholars in the non-Communist world who are familiar with the language, culture and history of both Russia and China. A truly formidable intellectual equipment is required. Dr. Karl Wittfogel and Dr. Benjamin Schwarz are outstanding among the few who possess it. One hopes that among the rising generations of the western nations the necessary combination of knowledge will become more frequent. Meanwhile those of us who have specialised in the Russian or East European field must learn what we can of China from secondary works and from those original documents which are available in translation. Well aware of the inadequacy of our understanding of Chinese affairs, we can only put to our Sinological colleagues problems which have arisen in the history of the Soviet or European Communist movements or regimes, and ask their opinions on the relevance of these problems, or on the reasons why they are not relevant, to China. It is in this spirit that the following observations are offered, as a contribution not to knowledge but to discussion. The points which I wish to raise are mainly concerned with the relationship of the Communist movement to social classes during its rise to nower.
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    The @China quarterly 2 (1960), S. 59-68 
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    Notes: The very size of China has imposed on all who would rule it the twin problems of unification and control. Indeed the very first Chinese Emperor, as opposed to Kings among Kings, Ch'in Shih-huang (d. 210 b.c.) achieved the hegemony and his right to this title by being the first to solve these problems. Their continuing intractability in China, despite the mould of history and the unifying cement of the Chinese script, is reflected in Sun Yat-sen's description of the Chinese people more than 2,000 years later as “loose sand.” Ch'in Shih-huang had the stern admonitions of the Legalists as his aid to unification and Sun Yat-sen revolutionary fervour as his. There is no doubt that both or, for that matter, any other would-be ruler in between these two ends of the time scale in China, would have seized on radio as an additional aid, had its potentialities been available to them. Given this basic Chinese problem of unification and control, the failure of the Kuomintang to exploit radio on any effective scale is therefore surprising. China's latest rulers, faced not only with this old problem but also with a new ideology to spread and a new orthodoxy to engender, have naturally sought to exploit it to the full.
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  • 62
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 65-91 
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    Notes: Until a short time ago, it appeared that much of what was going on in China could be characterised by the cynical aphorism plus ça change plus c'est la même chose. Many things became manifest in the country that were reminiscent of themes centuries old. China had gone through two radical phases, one during the First Five-Year Plan period when the Chinese Communists tried to repeat the Soviet experience of industrialisation, and the second during the Great Leap Forward when they used their own mobilisational means to try to achieve economic break-through. The ninth Plenum in January 1961 called a dramatic halt to the extreme policies of the Great Leap Forward, and launched a period that bears strong similarities to the N.E.P. (New Economic Policy) period of the early 1920s in the Soviet Union. Many traditional patterns that were effaced during the years of radicalism began to reappear. There was talk of the need “to study very well traditional economic relationships.” It seemed that for a while the leadership had decided that only a truly voluntary response from below, and not coercion of any sort, could rescue China from the morass in which it found itself. But as of the time of the writing of this article, there are ominous signs that China may be approaching another “1928.” The Party drums are rolling once again, and the themes are not those of the N.E.P., but more like those which preceded the great Soviet collectivisation drive of 1928. During the last few years, the leadership made no attempt to hide the facts of China's poverty and isolation. But now a new note of defiance, of toughness has crept out. Where it will lead is hard to say.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 111-124 
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    Notes: Economic planning in China was pioneered by Kao Kang, Chairman of the North-East Administrative Area in the early days of the Communist régime, who controlled the region formerly known as Manchuria. This was the region which the Japanese had developed into China's foremost centre of heavy industry. It came under Communist rule before most of the country and as early as 1949 the North-East Financial and Economic Commission had made a rough plan for rehabilitating its industry. Two years later a regional planning commission was established.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 125-133 
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    Notes: The importance of examining the location of China's steel development is not confined solely to the steel industry. It reflects to a large extent, the Communist policy on industrial location in general. The new steel centres have been planned to form the nuclei of industrial complexes. To counteract the pre-Communist concentration of industry in the coastal areas, the Communist régime has emphasised from the beginning that a wide dispersion of industry is desirable from the standpoint of economic development and national defence. In planning new capital construction, therefore, regional development constitutes a key-note while sources of raw materials and fuel supply, consumption centres, future mechanisation of agriculture and national security become the major determinants of industrial locations. As a result of adherence to this policy, a new pattern has emerged for the location of China's steel industry.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 134-150 
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    Notes: At the beginning of the “Great Leap Forward” campaign of 1958, Mao Tse-tung declared the now much publicised “eight-character constitution of agriculture” for the technical transformation of agriculture. This “constitution” was essentially a condensed and more appealing version of the National Agricultural Development Programme for 1956–67, promulgated in 1956, which contains twelve important measures to improve agricultural production. The eight Chinese characters referred to are: shui, water conservation; fei, fertilisation; t'u, soil conservation; chung, seed selection; mi, dense planting; pao, plant protection; kung, tool improvement; and kuan, field management.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 151-173 
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    Notes: Even though it is a truism, it is worth pointing out that with relatively little foreign trade and even less foreign aid, Communist China's economic growth must in the main result directly from the development of her indigenous resources. In her comparatively backward economy, most of those resources were to be found initially in two traditional sectors of production: in agriculture, and in various crafts and trades. Due to limited division of labour, these two traditional sectors were not separated sharply from each other, but overlapped in the person of the peasant-craftsman who was relatively common in the countryside.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 174-191 
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    Notes: The development of the ideological controversy between Communist China and the Soviet Union in recent years has aroused increased interest in a more careful evaluation of Sino-Soviet economic relations. In this paper, I attempt to deal with one specific aspect of this broad area, that is the price problem in Sino-Soviet trade.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 229-240 
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    Notes: In what light does the Communist Party wish to project itself to the people? Is the local party secretary presented as the remote symbol of authoritarian efficiency, a reflection of the absolute power above? Or is he supposed to be a model of the nutrient “helper,” responsive to the people's needs and governed by humanitarian considerations? The actual quality of these relationships is of course inaccessible for direct observation, but we can examine some of the Communist presentations of the image and expectations in officially approved literary publications.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 241-250 
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    Notes: The annual sessions of the National People's Congress have always been more like a national rally than the parliamentary institution outlined in its own constitution. The leaders meet a large selected group deemed to represent the nation, outline their picture of national and international affairs, describe their plans and hopes for the future and call on the citizens to rally to the flag. From the floor of the house deferential speeches assure the leaders that all sections of the nation agree with them and will obey their call with alacrity. For the student outside China the first consideration is of course not what is said but how much is published. Six or eight years ago he had to wade through reams of material to catch the general flavour and find the occasional grain of fact in drifts of formal and repetitive chaff. In 1962, and now again in 1963, the problem was very different. The published documents are very brief and many passages are so generalised and indeed abstract that only an initiate can be sure of their meaning. The student's task is to expand these generalities and to suggest their context and their real meaning.
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 258-260 
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    The @China quarterly 17 (1964), S. 251-256 
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    Notes: The second National People's Congress of the Chinese People's Republic held its fourth session in Peking between November 17, and December 3, 1963. Altogether 1,012 deputies attended the session.
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 15 (1963), S. 35-44 
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    Notes: Formosa has the unenviable distinction of having proportionally more men under arms than any other country. With resources and manpower being poured into keeping approximately 600,000 men in readiness for an eventual return to the mainland the military presence inevitably pervades Formosan life. Military needs conflict with personal freedom and restrain economic growth. Yet for all the efforts of the Nationalist government—sustained by huge amounts of American aid—the changing international scene and difficulties within the Nationalist forces make a return to the mainland less likely as time goes by.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 94-104 
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    Notes: A knowledge of judicial and administrative structure plays a vital part in understanding the government and politics of any society. In a Communist society, the administrative apparatus plays an important role, not only in controlling the society but also in implementing Party and government directives. To fully understand the government and politics of North Korea, it may prove helpful to investigate the administrative structure by which the North Korean leaders control the society and remain in power. After a decade and a half of political rule, these North Korean leaders are faced with constant social changes and rising pressures from below. The relations between political power and political institutions, between political ideal and social reality, between the formulation and implementation of policy, have in fact been a major ideological concern for North Korea's administrators, a preoccupation they share with the leaders of other Communist societies. The amount of information made available about the North Korean judicial and administrative system has been scanty at best. This article therefore is exploratory and not definitive in nature. By utilising the materials that are available this article attempts to present North Korean views and attitudes about law and administration, and to describe the institutional framework in which the legal and administrative apparatus functions; at the same time it also attempts to examine the Soviet and Communist Chinese impact on the development of North Korea's administrative system.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 153-177 
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    Notes: This article is concerned with the nature, functions and scope of the institution in the People's Republic of China that is commonly referred to as contracts. The paper as a whole ultimately focuses on three problems: (1) the nature of this institution; (2) whether this institution, if it is of a different nature from the Western contract, performs tasks in the Chinese context not unlike those of the institution of contracts in the West: and (3) how it performs those tasks.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 212-217 
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    Notes: In the November 9, 1962, issue of the People's Daily, a cartoon shows President Kennedy seated at a restaurant table waving a broken missile on the end of a fork and giving his order to a bald, obsequious waiter who stands with pad and pencil in hand. The caption: “His Appetite Grows With The Eating.” Kennedy says “I'll have fried Il-28 bombers next and sugar machete for the sweet course.” The waiter can hardly be mistaken for anybody but Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev.
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  • 78
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 195-211 
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    Notes: Despite the noticeable progress registered since 1954 in the reorganisation of a civilian administrative structure in North Vietnam, after three years much still remained to be done. In particular, while the régime had, from the very start, repeatedly pledged itself to hold popular elections at the earliest possible opportunity to all organs of government, these promises had never been kept, probably out of a desire not to upset the delicate political balance between North and South engineered by the Geneva agreements and to give the South a convenient pretext for repudiating them. But, when the deadline set at Geneva for a referendum in both halves of the divided land on the question of re-unification had expired and it became apparent to Hanoi that it could no longer hope to gain control of South Vietnam at the polls, the last reason for postponing unilateral action in the North vanished. By 1957, official sources in the D.R.V. were openly acknowledging that the situation with regard to elections had indeed become anomalous and even admitting thatthe state apparatus had not yet become sufficiently strong; in many places organs of people's power had not been re-elected for a long time. In some areas people's Councils have almost not been functioning at all or have functioned only formally. Some administrative committees were being appointed by higher organs, whereas they had to be elected by people's Councils.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 241-244 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 254-258 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 266-275 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 275-276 
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  • 83
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 1-2 
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 17-29 
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    Notes: The establishment of Communist power in North Korea represents one more example of the triumph of purposive political behaviour over impersonal economic and social forces and as such merits the attention of all those who are concerned about the survival of the theory and practice of a free society in a shrinking world. If purposive Communist behaviour can become the prime mover of history, then so can the dedicated efforts of those with different conceptions of ends and means in the solution of human problems.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 82-93 
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    Notes: It is important to know the structure of the Korean economy prior to the division of the country in order to understand agricultural development in North Korea in terms of its capital expenditure and output during the post-war period.
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  • 87
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 105-124 
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    Notes: When a revolutionary movement seizes power, a Communist one no less than others, it faces the extra-revolutionary task of establishing a loyal and efficient military organisation to consolidate its conquests. In order to ensure unchallenged loyalty, the leaders of the revolution must, first of all, fill the army with their supporters. In order to secure an efficient phalanx, they are at the same time compelled to professionalise their fighting force. However, in the midst of a profound sociopolitical upheaval, these two objectives are not easily fused into one. The North Korean People's Army (NKPA), however, was in a unique position for its strengthening processes from its foundation in 1945. First of all, the NKPA did not need to fight against well-equipped Japanese forces. Secondly, it did not face such complex problems as the dispersal of enemy officer cadres, the securing of enemy loyalty and sympathy, a Civil War and its aftermath, all of which had caused considerable worries to the Communists in the Soviet Union and China. When absolute loyalty is doubtful, officers' professional qualifications are a dubious asset. The Party can never relax its leadership for the sake of a more professional army.
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    The @China quarterly 14 (1963), S. 141-152 
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    Notes: A leading figure in the field of modern Chinese philosophy, Fung Yu-lan (Feng Yu-lan) has lived and worked amidst the intellectual and political tensions which have characterised the recent history of his country. His major work, Chung-kuo Che-hsueh Shih (History of Chinese Philosophy), was published in the 1930s, and is known in the West through the monumental translation into English prepared by Professor Derk Bodde of the University of Pennsylvania. Fung's technical philosophical theories were defined and articulated in his wartime writings during the 1940s. Like many of the leading Chinese intellectuals, he has now embraced Marxism-Leninism, the new orthodoxy which provides the doctrinal creed for contemporary China even as Confucianism did for the scholar-officials of the imperial period.
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 15-38 
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    Notes: Poetry and politics are rare companions in the competitive world of practical affairs today. In Moscow, Nikita Khrushchev, with peasant shrewdness, is addicted to Russian proverbs to enliven his rhetoric; but there are few indications that he is sympathetic with the creative writer and none that he himself will rank with Pushkin in the annals of his nation's literature. In Washington, the appearance of Robert Frost at John F. Kennedy's inauguration in January 1961 was an event at once exceptional and gratifying to admirers of Frost's artistic integrity; the elderly poet's advice to the young president of the United States to stress the Irish and underplay the Harvard hi his background may yet have enduring significance. Only in Peking, however, do we find a world leader who combines distinctive political abilities and literary talents. Indeed the juxtaposition of strategic and artistic instincts hi Mao Tse-tung is so unusual in the post-Churchillian world that the case merits more than passing note.
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 60-73 
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    Notes: Early in 1957, an event perhaps unparalleled in the world of letters was reported from China. A new monthly magazine, Shih-k'an (Poetry), made its appearance in February of that year, its inaugural issue including a collection of eighteen poems by Mao Tse-tung. The appearance of Mao's poetry was not in itself an exceptional event. From ancient times down to recent decades, Chinese statesmen and military leaders have often displayed talent in the writing of poetry; and it appeared that Mao Tse-tung was carrying on the established tradition of a long line of strong rulers in China who desired to impress the world that they were not only victorious conquerors and vigorous administrators, but also accomplished artists.
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 92-112 
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    Notes: The purpose of this article is to show what Communist literary dictatorship has done to some of the writers, who, though not literary giants, had in the past shown some promise in the art of letters.
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 139-157 
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    Notes: Modern Chinese literature, which I date from the deliberate new beginnings made at the time of the May Fourth movement, is distinguished by its conscious effort at Europeanisation, which is in itself a catchall term embracing a whole assembly of themes and techniques, images and linguistic features taken and adopted from the vast literature beyond the seas and vaguely and often incorrectly designated as European. To be European was in fact simply to be non-traditional Chinese.
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  • 93
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 180-194 
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    Notes: Speaking in a very general way, youth and age have been taken in traditional Chinese literature as two stages in a continuous development of which the first represents the preparation and the last the goal. Respective values attached to these stages were derived from this concept. In a civilisation where literature, even polite literature, was to a large extent an amateurish pursuit of the scholar-official, this evaluation does not come as a surprise, particularly since it will not be easy to find another civilisation which was as strongly ideology-motivated as was the Chinese. Established attitudes concerning youth and age were thus, in general, accepted and taken for granted also by the poet.
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 195-211 
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    Notes: In less than a decade, collectivisation has come to more than five hundred million Chinese peasants and a large portion of the urban population; it has transformed the socio-economic structure of the nation, causing general repercussions around the world and unascertainable effects in the country. The development of this massive and significant collectivisation movement is reflected, in large measure, in Chinese Communist literature. This article first presents, following a general chronological order, fictional materials reflecting the co-operative and commune movements, and then discusses summarily the artistic and social values of this literature.
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 158-179 
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    Notes: In Chinese Communist literature, men and women are primarily seen in their likeness as workers rather than in their sexual and emotional unlikeness as human beings. Women, as much as men, are praised for their socialist zeal and heroic capacity for work and condemned for being socialist sluggards indifferent to production. But despite its repudiation of “human interest” as a symptom of capitalist or revisionist decadence, even this supremely practical literature cannot begin to exist without some superficial attention to personal problems, and these problems, inevitably, attest to the persistence of biological instincts and immemorial habits of human civilisation. Until the techniques, Communist or otherwise, for dehumanisation are perfected, men and women will remain subject to irrational passions, and if circumstances permit, they will fall in love, get married, bring up children, and in other devious ways contrive for pleasure and happiness. In tracing the lot of Chinese women under Communism, I will therefore take for granted that the primary purpose of their earthly existence is to contribute to and assist in production and examine rather their residual personal problems in the context of the overriding importance of socialist construction. The results of niy investigation, if my women characters, drawn invariably from short stories, are at all typical, will show, not surprisingly, the pathetic adjustment of their feminine instincts and interests to the jealous demands of Party and state. The exceptions that I will take notice of—sympathetic victims and challengers of the impersonal Communist bureaucracy—are all heroines of revisionist fiction that has been subject to vehement attack by the press.
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 258-262 
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    The @China quarterly 13 (1963), S. 263-263 
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  • 98
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 53-55 
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 1-18 
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    Notes: In Chinese Communist fashions, Confucius seems to be “in” this year. Earlier, certainly in the nineteen-twenties, revolutionaries were quite ready to see him out, and even now, in the first decade or so of the People's Republic, there are plenty of people with little patience for the sage of the old intelligence. Indeed, “despise the old” and “preserve the national heritage” have been chasing each other down the mneteen-fifties and incipient sixties, and contemporary historians, hi this area, should perhaps not dwell too seriously on trends pro and anti, so foreshortened, if discernible at all, in the foreground of our age. What seems historically significant is the range, not the petty successions, of recent Communist options in evaluating Confucius. For all the possibilities are equally modern, all plausible and consistent within a new Chinese view —an essentially anti-Confucian view informing even the pro-Confucius minds.
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    The @China quarterly 12 (1962), S. 92-101 
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    Notes: The sudden death of Dr. Hu Shih in Taiwan on February 24, 1962, inflicted on many of the people of that island a sense of irreparable loss. This was not because the present situation in Nationalist China is likely to be much affected by Dr. Hu's passing, for in spite of his great reputation as a scholar, his considerable personal popularity and the prestige of his position as President of the Academia Sinica, he remained a peripheral figure there. He was, however, the last surviving representative of the great generation of revolutionary intellectuals who, nearly half a century ago, undertook the enormous task of creating a cultural “renaissance” in China, and with his death a final link with that optimistic era was forever severed.
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